NATIONAL LIBRARY TIRANA The delegation of the People's Assembly, headed by the chairman of the Presidium of this Assembly, Mr Pjetër Arbnori, arrived in Bonn. Official meetings began yesterday. The building where the German Parliament holds its debates was decorated with the flags of Albania and Germany, creating a pleasant festive atmosphere for the members of our delegation as they arrived to take part in a working session of the German Parliament. As soon as our deputies took their seats in the gallery of honour, the President of the Bundestag, Prof. Dr. Rita Sysmuth, interrupted the debate and informed all the deputies of their presence. The announcement was greeted with prolonged applause, which continued when she briefly mentioned the interesting distinction of her colleague Arbnori, who had spent decades imprisoned in communist jails. In one of the Bundestag’s rooms, Mrs Sysmuth received all the members of the delegation. After welcoming them, she spoke in particular of Albanian democracy and the progress made in our country. Mr Arbnori thanked her for the invitation and for the warm words the President had spoken in the parliamentary chamber. “I thank you especially for your warm words about our country,” he stressed. “As for what you said about me personally, I would like to share it with my fellow sufferers, so many of whom there have been in Albania,” Mr Arbnori added. Mr Arbnori then gave an overview of what has been done and what will be done in the Albanian Parliament. He informed her about the composition of the political forces in Parliament, described in detail the difficulties faced by our Parliament and Government in the economic sphere, and praised German assistance in overcoming them. (ATSH)

Boycotting parliament is a political action that any political force participating in parliament has the right to undertake when it considers the moment opportune. By boycotting parliamentary proceedings, those who take this step first and foremost seek to bring parliament to a standstill. To achieve this, however, it is necessary to secure the required number of deputies so that the majority needed to pass a particular law or laws cannot be reached. Secondly, parliament is boycotted in order to prevent the adoption of a law opposed by a considerable section of the population, or in the case of a confidence vote for the government, as well as when a motion of no confidence is being debated. A parliamentary boycott is undertaken with the aim of achieving specific objectives, among them halting its proceedings and thereby bringing about a parliamentary crisis; in the second case, when the aim is to block a package of laws or a particular law, the aim is only to build political capital. Let us examine briefly, from this perspective, the recent boycott of our Parliament’s proceedings by the Socialists and Social Democrats. In the first case, the boycott by these two parliamentary groups does not create a parliamentary crisis, since their deputies do not affect the majority required for parliamentary proceedings to continue. That majority is represented by DP deputies, and their numbers are sufficient to pass the bills that will come before Parliament. The situation would be different if we were dealing with the adoption of laws requiring a two-thirds majority. Furthermore, a glance at Parliament’s work plan for this period shows that no particularly important law, or any law on which the majority and the left have opposing positions, is scheduled for discussion. Therefore, this was not an occasion on which the SP could increase its electorate by boycotting Parliament. So what prompted the SP to take this step? Following our country’s acceptance as an associate member of NATO, Albania is now on the verge of joining a series of international organisations, first and foremost the Council of Europe. By boycotting Parliament, the Socialists thought that this spectacular action would attract the attention of international public opinion and lead, at least for now, to Albania’s admission to the Council of Europe being blocked. They could then use this for domestic political consumption in their political struggle against the Government and the DP. But even this is an objective that is unlikely to be achieved. On the contrary, with this action the SP exposes the falsity of the publicity put out by its leaders and socialist press organs, which claim that the SP is a constructive opposition. The PSD’s joining the SP in boycotting Parliament should not be considered unexpected. As is known, the PSD is in a coalition with the DP, but in the face of attacks by the socialist opposition, this party has several times quietly evaded these attacks by distancing itself from the DP; indeed, on several occasions its leaders have made statements close to the Socialists’ positions. For example, at the latest press conference, Mr Gjinushi opened the door to new political alliances, implying that a possible alliance with the SP was not ruled out. the DP. Europe. And this recent boycott of the proceedings of our parliament with the boycott of parliament by these two resolving the problems and leading the country toward further stabilization in every respect, as for political games and speculation about the difficult situation

The statements that PASOK chairman Andreas Papandreu gave to a Dutch newspaper (which the public learned about on TV) prompted me to return once again to the joint statement by PASOK and Nano. Not because Papandreu’s views on Serbia were unknown, but because for the first time Papandreu speaks directly and openly about the Albanians and Kosovo, and this happens after his meeting with Nano. Those who wish may call it a coincidence, but even the most naïve can see the connection between the two statements. The joint PASOK–Nano statement makes it known that both political forces (one Greek and the other Albanian) oppose the deployment of foreign troops in the Balkans (this refers to peacekeeping troops), and Papandreu explains his opposition as follows: “The UN,” he says, “should not insist on stationing helicopters in Kosovo as it is doing in Macedonia.” “The arrival of American soldiers in Macedonia reassured the Albanians of Macedonia, Kosovo and Albania that they would be protected by the helicopters and would begin to oppose the Serbian authorities in Kosovo.” “Stationing helicopters in Kosovo without Belgrade’s consent would mean an act of war, while for the Serbs’ opponents this would be a green light for an armed uprising against Serbia.” I think these comments are unacceptable. Papandreu and Nano acknowledge that the helicopters would be deployed to protect the Albanians, and it is precisely for this reason that they oppose it. The UN intervention should have been carried out to put an end to the terror of the Serbian authorities in Kosovo (which Papandreu certainly does not mention), but Papandreu and Nano oppose it precisely for that reason. Even though this is supposedly justified by the danger of an armed uprising, Papandreu uses the word “protection”—and it is the person who is attacked and threatened who needs protection. As for the danger of an uprising, it exists as long as Serbian violence and terror continue in Kosovo. The deployment of helicopters would eliminate this danger. Both Nano and Papandreu, of course, know this well, since they are seasoned politicians. Their concern has to do with preserving the interests of Serbia and Belgrade. In fact, Papandreu considers the deployment of UN troops in Kosovo to be “placing Kosovo under UN occupation,” expressing fear that this might at the same time bring about Kosovo’s liberation from Serbian occupation. There is no point in dwelling further on these statements. It is clear that they are directed against the national interests of the Albanians, and therefore the Albanian state and justice system must take a stand. I do not know whether a law exists on anti-Albanian activity, but it is clear that by signing the PASOK statement, Nano has signed an anti-Albanian act, and he must also be held legally accountable for it. I think the Albanian Parliament should also take a position on these statements. As for the SP, strangely, despite all the accusations made against them (which are evident), they are taking no position. Could it be that they are more interested in standing up for the honour of their chairman than for the national interests? EDI PALOKA

-A change to Macedonia’s Constitution is being sought- The leader of the Albanians of Macedonia, Nevzat Halili, states in a letter to Kiro Gligorov, published by “Nova Makedonia,” that 150,000 signatures have been collected to change the Macedonian Constitution so that the Albanians may gain the status of a people. In the letter, Halili also says that in no place where Albanians live are place names written in Albanian; no street names in those places have been translated into Albanian; there are no Albanian cultural institutions bearing Albanian names; in no court is the president Albanian; there are no Albanians in the senior ranks of the Macedonian army; and there is not a single Albanian in the Ministry of Internal Affairs or the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Albanians submitted to the Macedonian Assembly and other republican bodies a declaration on equality, together with a memorandum and a written request to the members of parliament, seeking a special status for Albanians in Macedonia, namely autonomy; the proclamation of Albanian as an official language in the central bodies of the republic and in all municipalities where Albanians live; and adequate representation of Albanians in the structures (ATSH)

“KJ” has misinformed the public, as usual, but this time the most anti-national Albanian-language newspaper (more anti-national even than ZP), worthy of Belgrade, published extravagant figures in its issue of the day before yesterday about guns, ships, aircraft, etc. As it turns out, Lehsi did this as a newspaper-sales gimmick. In its next issue it will say that these were not warplanes, tanks or guns, but toy aircraft and tanks, and plastic beach and football guns! Such shamelessness, which stirs up public opinion and spreads disinformation inside and outside the country, deserves only contempt and legal punishment.

PS Mona Lisa inside and outside the frame

A reminder to the social-communist leadership The leader of the Albanian socialists, chairman of the government that killed Shkodra on 2 April 1991, after being “renewed” by tricks and supposedly in earnest, declaring in Switzerland that “the one who was evil under the Albanian state was E.H.”, after ordering his killers to abandon the Palace and trying to leave it to them to finish, in an attempt to create barbarity, to establish the party’s parliament and to create and finish a commission, and also to violate Shkodra, had the audacity to hold a meeting at its centre, at the Republika cinema on 18 June, a meeting called “What’s happening to me?” with members and supporters of the P.S. Shkodra cannot stand his face, yet does not undertake self-government; it is preparing to govern itself. On its own, somberly, quite rightly. Chairman Nano and the actress who embraced him entered Shkodra and crawled back out with their tails between their legs. It seems they were frightened by the beautiful slogan, “Shkodra won’t have it.” “Zëri i Popullit”, which for fifty-odd years has done nothing but always proclaim “the truth”, is trying to cover up this disgrace by telling the public that the gathering of people in front of the cinema had been organized by state officials and party leaders. It is no wonder that the scribes at “ZP” say this; as for Shqagin, we knew that in Shkodra all it took was a “commotion” on the outskirts for what happened to happen. Traditional Shkodra, which experienced in broad daylight, in the town-hall square and in the presence of a large number of citizens, executions without trial, consolidated its anti-communist convictions. The movement of Malesia e Madhe and Pulti, Bashkimi Shqiptar, the democratic and social-democratic groups, the various underground groups of high-school students, and the popular funeral of Archbishop Monsignor Thaqi were Shkodra’s courageous and desperate efforts to rid itself of the communist yoke, to regain its dignity from E.H. and to restore to Shkodra the crown of the epithet “reactionary”. The recurring political trials prove that Shkodra had resolved to stand firm to the end, and that communism and the city are eternal enemies. Convinced of this, the bloodthirsty state clamped down hard with the dictatorship of the proletariat and the class struggle. Zeus, aware that Shkodra would never ascend to Olympus, left neither a communist shadow nor a minaret standing there or in its surrounding areas. Only Pol Pot in Cambodia, followed by his dictators, and E.H. in Shkodra did this. The Communists “who came from the people” forgot the wisdom of the saying, “the big stick breaks from being too thick.” And Shkodra gave Albania 14 January 1990, when it took to the square to topple the bust of the dictator from Georgia. On 16 April 1990, when it was necessary... Leonard Dushi, Ilir Shala and Dritan Hasan attempted to blow up E.H.’s bust with explosives. It gave us the funeral procession for the demonstration’s young man, Pelumb Plumbaj. The Mass of 4 November 1990 and the religious demonstrations of 11 and 16 November 1990. Shkodra gave Albania 13 December 1990, when it cut off the head of E.H.’s bust. After 31 March 1991, the city of Rozafa was represented in parliament only by P.D. MPs. Together with its surrounding areas, it sent more than one fifth of the MPs into the anti-communist opposition. On 2 April 1991, singing in chorus, “Oh Shkodra, oh cruel one, was it not enough for us that you brought it down and then came out?”, it showed the world that it had decided to burn like Oso Kuka rather than submit any longer to communist violence. On 22 April 1992, together with all Albania, it gave communism its “farewell.” These are the reasons that brought Shkodra out into the streets to give the red arch-mafioso, E.H.’s Albanian son, the spawn of the m-l studies institute, Fatos Nano, the reception he deserved. For Shkodra to welcome him like that again, it would take only as long as a sound takes to spread through the city. All those who are “Shkodrans” know this well. BIM OSMANI PD SHKODER

Indignant at the insulting, unfounded and malicious accusations made by the PSSH organ “Zëri i Popullit”... Indignant at the insulting, unfounded and malicious accusations made by the PSSH organ “Zëri i Popullit” in its issues of 19 and 20 June against the representatives of the DP on the Shkodër District and Municipal Councils, in connection with the events of 18 June 1993, we strongly protest and reject these accusations as untrue and provocative. Continuing its 45-year tradition of public disinformation and unscrupulous slander, “Zëri i Popullit” names respected local-government figures in Shkodër, accusing them of being the organisers of a supposed “counter-rally” and labelling them with insulting words. The truth about the events of 18 June is not as the socialist-communist press described it. In Shkodër, the local authorities had organised no event, nor had any “counter-rally” taken place; it was simply a spontaneous protest by Shkodër’s democratic citizens, who voiced their opposition to the visit of PSSH chairman Mr Fatos Nano. “Zëri i Popullit” shamelessly lies when it writes that the chairman of the District Council, the secretary, the deputy chairman and members of the District and Municipal Councils were at the head of the rally. The same thing is done by this organ when it reports that on 18 June in Shkodër the gentlemen Eduard Selami, Tomor Dosti and Ali [text unclear] had arrived. The fact that in the last elections Shkodër voted decisively against the Socialists is the clearest proof of the reputation they enjoy in Shkodër. On the other hand, the people of Shkodër do not easily forget the serious crime of 2 April 1991, when four Democrats lost their lives and 60 others were wounded, while Mr Nano himself was Prime Minister at the time. The people of Shkodër, thirsting for democracy, cannot forgive the Socialists for their destructive stance in every sphere of political and economic life, and particularly in Parliament, where they did everything possible to sabotage the adoption of laws on land, on the innocence of political prisoners, etc. Shkodër, famous for its traditional hospitality but also firm in its positions, could not welcome a man who defends the Serbs, Shkodër’s age-old enemies, as was the case with Mr Nano’s statements in Greece. These are also the reasons why hundreds of democratic and patriotic Shkodër citizens protested against Mr Nano’s visit to Shkodër. This is an occasion to express our indignation at the article published in “ZP” on 20 June, entitled “The scenario of 18 June was organised by those who organised 2 April.” Could it be that the Socialist gentlemen mean that the criminals Alia, Nano, Ruçi, Dymylyja, etc. belong to the DP? Since this accusation against our party is both serious and cynical, we are compelled to turn to the judicial authorities. On this occasion, we also wish to convey our message to Shkodër and to the entire national public: that sacred message connected with the vote of confidence the people have given us. The local authorities of Shkodër will never allow this wonderful, patriotic and democratic city to be turned into Lebanon, as the social-communists wish. It is our duty to make every effort to restore to Shkodër its outstanding traditions, which were trampled, destroyed and insulted by Hoxha, Alia and Nano and their associates. DP councillors on the Shkodër District and Municipal Councils chairman and members of the District Council and the Municipal Council, in droves. This body does the same thing when, in 1991, on 18 June, it claims that the gentlemen Eduard Selami, Tomor Dosti and Ali Spahia had come to Shkodra—which is simply not true. Meanwhile, gentlemen Pjetër Arbnori and Kolec Topalli accompanied Mrs Erika Çamaj, the wife of the patriot, writer and scholar Martin Çamaj, throughout that day. The accusation that the law-enforcement forces in Shkodra failed to take the proper position is also false. On the contrary, they tried calmly to prevent any possible incident, but in fact nothing of the sort happened. The gathering could not have been organized, since it came about by chance, precisely because of those people who toppled the dictators’ busts, those citizens who experienced the harsh 47-year persecution caused by Nano’s party and its comrades; and it was highly motivated. The fact that we