- 365 new members have been accepted so far in the Kavajë branch of the DP. - Membership in the DP is, above all, faith in a better future. - This is support for yourselves and for your children - The new election campaign in the Party is proceeding at full intensity, on the basis of a detailed program in accordance with the tasks assigned by the Archive of the National Council for the new party elections. In the Kavajë district, members of the governing council have been mobilized to visit all the sections, with the clear aim of renewal, expansion, and attracting high-quality members. What has been observed during this brief period of new party elections? A large influx of new members, the establishment of new sections, and qualitative growth. Specifically, during the 10-day period, 365 new members were accepted into the ranks of the DP, of whom 110 are in the city alone. New sections have been established, three in Kavajë (the city). In terms of quality, during this campaign the entry into the ranks of the DP of intellectuals has been observed, as in the specific example of chairman Ibrahim Mullagjen, No. 9, Section No. 1 chaired by Ibrahim Mullagjen, Section No. 4 chaired by Shahin Pagrinë, and Section No. 2, Neighborhood 6, chaired by Bashkim Xhihani. It is also worth mentioning that during the new admissions in remote areas such as Gozë e Vogël and Pegaj, there have not only been new party members, but what should be noted is that most are also young people aged 18 who see in the DP program a prospect and a future. Elections in the DP continue. HAJRI SHTINI

by the Chairman of the PDSH, Mr. Eduard Selami Through this statement, the Albanian Democratic Party condemns the visit to Belgrade by the leaders of the Democratic Alliance Party as irresponsible and contrary to our national interests and to the efforts of international democratic forces. The Albanian Democratic Party, through this statement, condemns as irresponsible and contrary to our national interests, as well as to the efforts of international democratic forces, the visit to Belgrade by the leaders of the Democratic Alliance Party. Regardless of the justifications they try to put forward, regardless of the language used and the efforts to engage in dialogue to resolve the problems in the region, anyone who is even slightly informed about what is happening today in the former Yugoslavia and in Serbia can easily understand that responding to Milošević’s invitation and sitting down to talk with his supporters means helping him, at a time when his regime’s policy is experiencing a deep crisis. This visit to Belgrade is taking place at a time when Milošević and his criminal policy are experiencing their deepest isolation; even on the few occasions when he has been summoned by high-ranking political figures—because for a long time no one has set foot in Belgrade—he has been warned in advance that he would be brought to trial and punished as a war criminal, as responsible for the tragedy of Bosnia, as an occupier with tanks and for the removal of Kosovo’s autonomy, and as the principal cause of the greatest crisis in Europe since the Cold War. To sit at the table and come to the aid today of Milošević’s Socialist Party is a gesture that rightly hurts all Albanians as well as the international democratic forces. Milošević’s propaganda in Belgrade exploited this visit to manipulate domestic and international public opinion, presenting themselves as initiators and negotiators for peaceful elections, while speaking only the language of war and tanks in the former Yugoslavia. The pomp and deceptions of Belgrade’s propaganda, presenting the Democratic Alliance Party as the largest opposition party in Albania, as a parliamentary party, etc., show that this visit had been carefully planned and was fully exploited to prolong the days of Milošević’s criminal regime. The PDSH strongly distances itself from this irresponsible political act by the Democratic Alliance Party and its leaders, and calls this act anti-national and anti-democratic, one that favors Milošević’s regime.

Nano’s personal newspaper — the current profile of «ZP» — - The crime group at the head of the PS — author of this profile - - Their only motive is to protect themselves through the «defense» of Fatos Nano - When something happens many times, it is not a coincidence but a phenomenon. The repeated articles in «ZP», aimed at defending Fatos Nano, the many protests formulated at its desks and published in its newspaper, and the publication of «legal lessons» by some ordinary Italian citizen (as though it were difficult in this world to find such a lunatic) — all of this has given the so-called PS newspaper the profile of a personal newspaper for Fatos Nano. The creation of such a profile is owed to the PS crime group, which, being at its head, has managed to impose it on the newspaper as well. It is said more and more often every day; in the pages of this newspaper one sees signatures of people who, by writing about Nano, do nothing but demonstrate their alliance with him. They do nothing but demonstrate their alliance with Nano. They defend Nano in no other way than by demonstrating against justice. Alliances always arise from a modus. And in this case that modus is corruption. Their purpose, naturally, is not to defend Nano, since no one can defend him for the millions embezzled. Rather, through attempts to «defend» him, the PS crime group is trying to secure its own personal protection. At this time, when the bearers of crime are being brought before justice, at this stage of the arrest of criminals and sadists such as Zylfytar Ramizi and Rrapi Mino, at this moment when justice is putting the corrupt in their place, they have been seized by panic. A panic that stems from their consciousness of being perpetrators of crimes. And the intensity of those seeking protection is a measure of the intensity of this panic. But who is protecting Nano? In other words, who is protecting crime? Who is protecting themselves? They are all those who have used politics, as the American writer Les Uollën also puts it, to earn money and amass wealth from misery, and to become people of influence and standing. They are those who manage to inherit money and positions. They are those who, as members of a destructive government such as the Government of Stability, managed to put millions aside. They are those who tolerated and favored, for payment, firms such as Iliria Holding, Rukert, etc. They are therefore the vanguard of political and economic crime, those who lose sleep at night for fear of their millions. And this is justified. We live in a time when the punishment of crime is being carried through.

Responding to a question from a «ZP» journalist at the latest press conference, S. Ngjela, a member of the PAD delegation that visited Belgrade, informed the «ZP» journalist (who is also a member of the PS Central Committee) of the wish expressed by Milošević’s «socialists» to cooperate with the Albanian PS. There are several points in the above that are unclear. The PAD delegation member said that the request, or expression of a desire to cooperate with the PSSH, from the PSS had come after the PAD delegation had presented its views on socialism. This could mean that something was also said about the positions and offers of the PSSH, and that perhaps this gave Milošević’s deputy the impression that he could also establish very good relations with the PSSH. The role of the PAD delegation in this case is not very clear. Why did they take it upon themselves to pass on the PS’s desire for cooperation from the PSS? Why talk about cooperation with the PS? Quite apart from the fact that the PS received the PAD delegation in order to express its desire for cooperation with the PSSH. It is unacceptable that Milošević’s politicians were uninformed about the policies of the former Albanian communists, especially concerning the national question, in the interests of party gains. Likewise, history has shown that invitations and offers from Belgrade to Albanian politicians have, in most cases, served the interests of its policies and harmed the nation. Will there be another invitation from Belgrade, this time for the PSSH, or is the message conveyed by the PAD delegation also an invitation? No one would be surprised if one day there were talk of a joint declaration between Milošević and Nano’s deputy, in which the national question would be sold once again. Perhaps in that case someone would respond that the PS (or some other opposition party) has nothing to sell, since it has no Albanian mandate, but that it can sell itself or its public figures. It is true that such joint declarations between parties had not been made, since they began to be made only when they were out of power. But precisely this makes it possible for the other interested party to help that party come to power in order to achieve the points of the declaration. Specifically, if an opposition party promises in an agreement that, once in power, it will make concessions—for example, that it will not enter into a «troublesome» agreement on Kosovo or Çamëria—then it is understandable that it will be strongly supported by the interested party, whether in power or not. In view of the above, I do not wish to prejudge; but, unfortunately, the history of the Albanians contains several such cases. when Milosheviçi and his criminal policy are experiencing their deepest isolation, when even on those few occasions he has been summoned by senior political figures—because no one has set foot in Belgrade for a long time—he has been warned more about the consequences of the policy he is pursuing than treated as a partner in dialogue. At a time when Milosheviçi and his regime are under a strict international embargo and when, inside Serbia, as a result of his adventurist policy, he is facing a new internal crisis, Miloshe- [text cut off] ... on this side, cooperation in FS? The ambiguities lie in what? As for the PAD delegation, to express its desire for cooperation with ESSH. It is unacceptable that Milosheviçi’s politicians were uninformed about the policy of the former Albanian communists, especially their policy concerning the resolution of problems in the former Yugoslavia. So they had no reason to expect to obtain information from the PAD delegation. Then why did they seize this opportunity? The facts have shown that the Albanian communists, old and new, have made all kinds of alliances, seriously compromising ...

The DP is an organization that has provided a modern solution for the state and governmental structure, but has not taken sufficient care of its own organization, of its sections. The arrival of increasingly pressing problems in the national and international political arena has engaged the DP in finding quick solutions and undertaking powerful initiatives aimed at the concepts of those building the rule-of-law state and a society of free people. But the section has always remained the most problematic issue. It was no coincidence that Mr. Eduard Selami, chairman of the DP, on the day the date of the DP’s new congress was announced, described the reorganization of the sections as the most problematic matter. Generally, all the parties here face difficulties, but in the end, all parties have their grassroots, their striking force, their mobilizing, constructive, and guiding force. The respect due to the DP is that it is a party of around three years’ standing, which explains many organizational shortcomings; but, since all these factors are in favor of the future of this giant political force, the issue of organizing the sections must be addressed. When we speak of matters of political structure and the substance of political life, when we say that a section must be organized, it should be understood that the section must be prepared for the future. This must be considered by the relevant departments in the field of documentation. In political life, communist parties are known for the accuracy of their documentation, iron party discipline, and the strict obligations imposed on their members. But one must also understand that right-wing parties with long experience in state affairs are not disorganized, as some may think. Party life here too entails many obligations, many requirements, and many coordinated activities. This is therefore clearly defined in matters of documentation. Documentation is a fundamental matter in the life of the Party. It must be said here that our sections are deficient. The leaders of some sections have not been able to distribute the new membership documents. In many village sections, accurate membership lists are missing. This is not bureaucracy. Accurate membership records reflected in the section’s documentation are an organizational necessity. Otherwise, the section becomes scattered, collapses, shifts, and sleeps in its own passivity. Otherwise, someone joins the section today and someone else tomorrow, without being properly known or documented. This suits incompetent, unprepared, scheming, and careerist leaders who want to manipulate the section and keep many capable people away from it, particularly those from the sphere of intellectuals, who could direct party life better. Membership has been neglected; consequently, the accurate picture of the section’s strength has also been neglected. In addition to its permanent members, the section should also keep a record of its sympathizers, who are numerous. Likewise, with their concepts of free organizational party life, many sections lack documentation covering summaries of their work, regular meetings, and, even more so, the assignment of duties, objectives, specific tasks, and suggestions. For example, you cannot enter an election campaign without defining your work as a section and your main aims. From the day of its creation until today, the DP has expended much energy in a sacred political struggle imposed by conservative forces. But now, during this campaign, it seems that it will be able to devote more attention to structuring itself. The view that the success of the coming elections will depend on how the DP organizes itself during this campaign, declared to continue until its Second Congress, is entirely correct from an organizational perspective. Our sections must rise to the level of the thinking and developments of the DP as a party of the future.