384 articles about F. Nano, 69 editorials, 28 published telegrams, 2 petitions, 3 letters from prison (without envelopes): this is the record of the political alternative of «ZP» and the PS since the corruption accusation was referred to justice. When the State Control accused F. Nano and company, the PS, the main force in the former government and today’s opposition, proclaimed a «cult» policy inherited from Hoxha’s time. From that moment, the PS lost its footing as a political force, as an opposition and as a party of alternatives. It identified everything—its program, struggle and actions—with just one name: its leader, F. Nano. The other PS leaders entered a contest to see who could hymn Nano the most, and the result was utterly ridiculous. The PS failed in its plan to boycott Parliament and local government indefinitely; it failed in its verdict of «smashing skulls» and «dragging [people] away»; it failed in its criminal attacks against the justice authorities... They entrusted the place of the law to street petitions and veterans’ petitions, so much so that N. Dokle declared, on behalf of 700,000 signatures, that Nano should be released. But once again they came up empty-handed and failed. Understanding this, Nano began sending letters, with and without envelopes, to thousands of his supporters in the AD and abroad. In response, however, he received some petitions from some municipal and commune chiefs in Greece, who demanded either that F. Nano be released or that they would «resign» as directors; then there were some Bulgarian, Cuban, Greek or Romanian socialists, until even Millosheviç’s PS sent accused Nano a cooperation form. During this time, «ZP» merely changed its «clichés»: Nano’s arrest, «The accusation against Nano», «Nano’s release», «Nano’s contribution», «Nano’s innocence», «Nano’s lawyers», «Nano’s wife», «Nano’s head», «Nano’s socialists», «Nano’s friends», «Nano’s letters»... and so ZP undoubtedly became Nano’s voice! There is no other explanation for the fact that during the 3–4 months since Nano’s arrest, on the charge of 8 million dollars, «ZP» has published more than 69 editorials, 2 petitions and around 384 articles about Nano. «ZP» does not do this to defend a person, since dozens of people were killed at the border or by other criminal means by the dictatorship and «ZP» has not written a single letter about them. Rather, «ZP» defends corruption, political immorality, injustice and the anti-democratic policies of the PS’s extremist leaders and F. Nano. The «ZP» newspapers worked so hard for Nano that twice in a row they were rewarded with hundreds of dollars. The «socialists» worked so hard for Nano that they added another nine heads, made more than 10 visits to various European countries, and, most absurdly, paid thousands of dollars to find two foreign lawyers to defend the Nano case. Thus, the press and administration, the political sphere and PS organizations were placed at the service of the Nano cult in a way unparalleled in Albania’s history. Albanian journalists have never produced so many articles of support in such a short period, not even for their Enver. But the PS is outdoing the PP, and Nano is outdoing Enver, while «ZP» remains what it always was—only, from Enver’s voice it has become Fatos’s voice! Having learned the complex notions of pluralism in a democracy, we are entitled to say that the misfortune of the Albanian socialists lies in the fact that they have been left without a party, because their leaders, lined up in servile clans of cult, corruption and terror, identified their own existence and that of the PS with the name and common crime of the former PPSH prime minister, Fatos Nano.

DEMOCRACY COULD NOT BE AN INSTITUTION OF DICTATORS The «colleagues» of R. Alia around the world have ended up either on the gallows of popular vengeance, on the bench of justice, or have fled somewhere with the «bag» of a criminal emigrant around their neck. As part of the «titanic» efforts to find constructive alternatives and original «routes» to Europe, the incorrigible Albanian social-communist daily has now arrived at one more «sui generis» discovery. Such is the series of self-interviews published in its recent issues, among them the one with my former colleague (not a political one), Dokle, and the very latest, dated 31.10.1993, titled «This time you have nothing to say about the President». It is natural that these «interviews» without interviewers should be mistaken for the hallucinations of eccentric creatures who have fallen asleep and are talking to themselves. It is a way of life, a pleasure and a consolation: the cherished maintenance of a kind of institution of crime. After the initials A and B in the article of 31.10.1993, perhaps coincidence seems to bring to mind a dialogue between actors from beyond sobriety, between Aliaj and Beqiri. Thus, for example, at one point B tells A: «Everywhere in Europe, in America and in every democratic country, the new president of the state who takes office respects and honors former presidents. They become his close political consultants. But Berisha put his only predecessor in prison...» After this so «innocent» sentence, anyone expressing the popular saying «clever fool» would edit it to read: «neither clever nor foolish...» Because it is crude, «incomprehensible» and more than... To place Albania, which only two years ago overthrew its dictatorship, on the same comparative starting line as Europe and America, centuries-old democracies, is just like saying that there has never been a dictatorship in Albania!!!... To the anonymous AB and «ZP», this unscrupulous accomplice or co-author of crime, I would recall that only if all those who led Berisha’s predecessor, namely Ramiz Alia, are truly... must he still have fresh memories of the crime. ... Berisha’s predecessor, namely Ramiz Alia, people were killed at the border. The traces of the crime are still fresh. Only the «amnesia» of a criminal can make him forget them and fail to count them as such, just as AB also «forgets» and fails to take into account that the massacre of 2 April took place under the rule of Ramiz Alia. I would remind him that R. Alia’s «colleagues» their neck... Though their colors may differ from those of the heir to the demon Hoxha, I would remind him of the fates of his «colleagues», such as Hitler, Mussolini, Pinochet, Marcos, Ceaușescu and other dictator heirs in the East and West. It is normal and necessary for every president to have advisers, or, as I would call it, his own advisory staff. But to claim that the president of a democratic country should keep as a political consultant a predecessor with a dictator’s genes and legacy, the number one figure in institutionalized crime—that is what they call keeping a snake in one’s bosom. And it is well known that the snake’s only «advice» (consultation) is poison. Democracy would thus be debased into an institution of dictators, compromised by crime and burdened with the latter’s grave responsibilities. Democracy could not accept them even as ordinary managers of protocol rules, let alone as political consultants... In fact, Ramiz Alia has most convincingly exhausted himself in the role of consultant for the criminal politics led by the dictator Enver Hoxha for a full 40 years. To seek political advice from him today is just like seeking advice from Enver—if only he were still alive!!!... For the sake of truth, I repeat once more that, while he himself held power, Ramiz Alia was «capable» enough to avoid the fate of Ceaușescu. He did so to save his own skin, not for democracy, as many claim. Now, in a democracy, we would hope that his «ability» at least proves to be stripped bare before the verdict of justice.

- The PD will remain faithful to the ideals of December 1990 - Conscious of and grateful for the students’ historic role in bringing about the era of democracy and in its own creation as the first genuinely opposition party to the PP, which had been in power for nearly half a century, the PD has made organization, a constant principle, transparent dialogue and understanding with students its defining features. These are also inherent in the very nature of the PD as a genuinely democratic, European, contemporary party, which sees and seeks solutions to problems through constructive dialogue and conscious conviction, not through imposition by directive or law. It demonstrated this clearly as well in the rational solution for all to the issue of regulations at the higher education institutions. The PD has never thought of or tried to manipulate the students, but at the same time it is convinced that no other political force can manipulate them for its narrow party interests, which openly or covertly contradict democracy, which was and remains the highest and noblest ideal of Albanian youth. Conscious that it is indebted to the student generation of December... with whom it is inseparably bound by shared ideals and the common struggle against dictatorship and communism, it has tried, within its limited capabilities to date, to make this difficult period of transition easier for them, as for everyone, and to integrate them as quickly and fully as possible into the era of democracy. The students have understood and supported it with conviction and awareness, and have forgiven it some mistakes or failures to deliver. This has been consistently evident. But this angers or enrages the opposition, particularly the PS, «ZP» and their natural, though not formally chosen, allies, the leaders of the PAD and a few of their followers. Eager to the point of Don Quixotism to stage a political crisis and early elections as the only way to return to the lost seats and power they dream of, they vainly try to win the students over, deceive them and manipulate them. The opposition’s spoken and written propaganda tries to convince students that they have gone from the frying pan into the fire, that the PD has put them in the red circle too. But they are badly mistaken. Our mature students, democrats at heart, cannot be deceived by these balloons or fireworks from the opposition. They understand well and deeply, approve and support the Democratic Government’s commitment and dedication to leading Albania out of the communist crisis into the independence of democracy, and to fighting corruption and the grave crime committed under previous governments. They are convinced that Democracy has put only the old and more recent criminals and corrupt people in its red circle, those who have treated the lives, property and freedom of ordinary people cruelly. Therefore, their wish, demand and appeal is that the fight against crime and corruption be intensified and carried through to the end, so that it may fulfill this historic mission too, just as its ideals...

The Albanian public has already been informed about the message that the socialist party-Slobodan sent to the PSSH through the PAD, as disclosed to the Albanian public by Spartak Ngjela. As is known, Mr. Servet Pëllumbi rejected this message, leaving no room for any alternative interpretation of acceptance. However, it seems that on this fundamental issue of PS policy there is no single, consistent position. We can see this in «ZP» of Saturday, 30 October 1993, in Namik Dokle’s article «15 questions - 14 answers». In this article, Dokleviç answers Mr. Pëllumbi when he speaks about ping-pong diplomacy. Through the analogy, he accepts the «Message» from the AD in Belgrade. Naturally, Mr. Dokle is familiar with the first American mission in Beijing. At that time it was called «ping-pong diplomacy». And further on he writes: «Time proved the correctness of “ping-pong diplomacy”.» Namik Dokle knows very well that there is no analogy between the motives for hostility and the policy of rapprochement between the USA and China through the strategy of ping-pong diplomacy, but he wants to present this strategy as an argument justifying his future policy on relations between the PSSH and the Serbian PSS in the form of relations with PASOK. Because friendships must be declared openly. «A friend of my friend is my friend» and «an enemy of my friend is my enemy»—sentiments which Dokleviç wants to have confirmed by the practice of «ping-pong diplomacy», which, given the Serbian policy of extermination against the Albanian people of Kosovo, means wanting to soften the political blow to Albanians as they pursue their aspirations against Serbia’s anti-Albanian policy. Serbs are looking for a Basri Pllan in Albania too, because they need one for appearances before the world. They also found Neritan Alinë (Ceka). The cue ball struck by the Alia and Nano cues. Mr. Dokle says in this answer that, unfortunately, «billiards diplomacy» is being played in Albania. It is still not known who the cue ball is, which ones are the balls, and who holds the cues? It is true that billiards is being played here in Albania; the observation is correct, but Mr. Dokle fails to understand it. And although he may not know, let us tell him: Mr. Namik, the billiard table is anti-Albanian, anti-democratic politics. Somewhere in this article it says you are staying away from «SOUP» and that people have begun to forget the taste of soup. It is better not to forget that taste, because the stew cooked by chefs like PASOK, PSSH and PSS in the PAD’s cauldron is so spoiled that, as a film character says: «If you swallow a spoonful of it, you’ll spend your whole life vomiting.» Let those who are accustomed to it eat this stew; true Albanian socialists and true followers will surely show the Dokleviçes their place, those who seek to sow discord and divide Basri Planat and Neritan Alitë, names that time will... coming, but are being dishonored with shame for the mud they are throwing at the nation ... and Saturday, dated 30 October ’93, in the article “15 questions - 14 answers,” must be stated openly. “My friend’s friend is my friend” and “my friend’s enemy is my enemy”—sentences which Dokleviçi seeks to confirm through the practice of “ping-pong diplomacy,” which, since time has “post-” proven its validity, we too must accept, with the Miloševićs, the slaughterers of Albanians, Bosniaks, and Croats. Përllumbi rejects this; true socialists do not accept it. Dokleviçi accepts it. This ant-Albanian [qirgesh] goes so far as to compare Rugova and his positions with those of Neritan Alia and Basri Plana. To put an equals sign between the opinions of Basri Plana and Neritan Ceka, people at Serbian tables, anti-Albanian tools in the hands of Slobodan Milosheviç, whom they use as a card to show the world that we engage in friendly dialogue with Albanians, and Rugova, the man elected President by two million ethnic Albanians of Kosovo, who through his policy protects and fights against the aggressiveness of the po- ... Because friendships must be declared

As part of his visit to our country, Mr. Giovanni Galloni, deputy head of Italy’s High Council of Justice, was received by Prime Minister Meksi. Mr. Meksi and Mr. Galloni discussed and exchanged views on legislative and institutional reform, the drafting of Albania’s Constitution, the training and qualification of our judicial personnel, and the democratization of justice and the rule of law. The conversation also addressed the need to bring our legislation into line with European standards, for which the Italian side expressed its readiness to provide assistance. The delegation headed by Mr. Galloni was accompanied at the meeting by the Ambassador of the Italian Republic to Albania, Mr. Paulo Fresti. Announcement from the Prime Minister’s Press and Information Office Tirana, 3.11.1993

There is not a day when «Zëri i popullit» does not write about the concern of the whole world over Fatos Nano’s imprisonment. The 700,000 signatures for his release (without trial) were not enough; now the signatures of world figures are also needed, especially those of some municipalities in Greece, to get him released (naturally, without trial!). With what sense of responsibility people are signing here and elsewhere is well known. Someone gathers 700,000 signatures to have him released; someone else could gather 800,000 to have him imprisoned. But everyone knows that imprisonment or release is not decided by signatures gathered in the streets, or even in homes and offices. Politicians and public figures around the world know this even better. They understand that the judiciary is independent, so they do not prejudge it or try to sway it with signatures and «popular» rallies. I feel so sorry for Maradona, the world football star; I could not feel sorrier, but I cannot sign a petition to prevent him from being investigated for drug smuggling, as he is accused of. Even the most fanatical supporters cannot prejudge Argentina’s investigative authorities. If it were possible to prejudge Argentina’s investigative authorities... If it were possible to do so, I believe no one would doubt that, to save Maradona, these signatures could be collected to replace the judicial authorities. A woman appears in America and says that her former wife is Michael Jackson’s, the rock star’s. The competent authorities continue their work to verify and establish the facts (continued on page 4)

“The President and Albania have made their choice. They are for democracy, a market economy, and joining Europe. France will help with this” — (Press conference by the French Minister responsible for European Affairs, Alain Lamassoure) At the press conference given by the French Minister responsible for European Affairs, Alain Lamassoure, he declared that France would help Albania join the various European organizations. “The President and Albania have made their choice. They are for democracy, a market economy, and joining Europe. France will help with this,” Lamassoure said. At the press conference during his visit to Albania, the French minister emphasized “a new impetus for relations between the two countries,” Lamassoure stressed. Lamassoure then spoke about the opportunities French businesspeople have to invest in various sectors of the Albanian economy, especially in the “buhlin” agro-food sector, mining, and tourism. In response to a question concerning the departure or [of] the French trade representation in Ti- (Continued on page 3)