One of the distinctive features of the election campaign in the Democratic Party of Albania is the absorption of new, high-quality elements into its leadership at every level. This is conditioned by the stage of development and the particularities of democratic processes, and by the development of the abilities of capable individuals within the structures to which they belong. There is another factor, too. Some individuals who have led for two consecutive terms have respected and observed the conditions of democracy within the Democratic Party, as enshrined in its statute, by making way for other individuals to lead. In this article I want to discuss, without in any way exhausting the subject, the profiles and contributions of the chairmen of the DP’s branches. In the confrontation with communism, in its true criminal manifestation in Albania, in its defeat and in democracy’s victory, their place is irreplaceable. Their efforts and contributions were essential. In Tirana and Vlora, in Mokër and Malësia e Madhe, in near and distant villages, they were the pioneers of democracy, of that broad popular movement. Indeed, they did more than that: they led it. At a time when interests were broad and the democratic individual chose the shorter path of the alternative, under the dictatorship neither they nor anyone else had attended a school of democracy. Yet, remarkably, through their conversations, their efforts for what was good and new, and their struggles against evils, they learned. They earned its diploma and tried to build and defend it. Someone—some “professor” from the past, or its emissary in the present—may dare tell you that you did not know how to work. You should not listen. It is the same person from the past who insulted and threatened you. They worked brilliantly. In winter and summer, during parliamentary and local elections, amid insinuations and propaganda, they were the ones who not only chose what was right, but also worked to make it known and ensure its triumph. They have another merit, too. They are often anonymous. The mass media publicized very few of their names. They are anonymous masters of democracy, its anonymous fighters and builders. Not only the DP—which has recorded most of them in places of honor in its historical archive—but all democrats and all of Albania congratulate and respect them for their courage, contribution, efforts and wisdom. They are etched in the memory and conscience of a people, in its great transformations. They will undoubtedly know how to honor and continue their efforts and hard work, even if they are no longer leaders. Wherever you may be, your contribution to democracy is respected. They will know how to pass on their experience and the lessons of these years to the new leaders, who need them so much. LORENC LIGORI In Tirana and Vlora, in Mokër and in Malësia e Madhe, in nearby that broad popular movement. They even dared to do more: they led it. At a time of widespread self-interest, of choosing the shortcut and the profitable individual alternative, they chose perhaps the most difficult path. They organized the spontaneity of the streets. They were sought out and often challenged in their own right, but they did not back down. They avoided adventurism and dispelled revenge and those with an interest in it. They knew how to prevent that beautiful bloodshed. They showed mercy within themselves and demonstrated the tolerance and culture of a peo-

TIRANA, 9 November—On 9 November 1993, Mr. Genc Ruli, Minister of Economy and Finance, submitted his resignation from office to Mr. Aleksandër Meksi, according to a statement from the Government press spokesperson. TIRANA, 9 November—On 9 November 1993, Mr. Genc office to Mr. Aleksandër Meksi, according to a statement from the Government press spokesperson. Accepting the reasons for the resignation on the basis of the explanations and arguments given, Prime Minister Meksi emphasized that Mr. Ruli had made a valuable contribution to drafting and successfully implementing the economic reform program of the first Democratic Government, carrying out his assigned duties with honesty and dedication up to the present. The Prime Minister invited Mr. Ruli to continue contributing his experience and abilities, as a parliamentarian and political figure, to the further development of economic reform and democratic processes in Albania. (ATSH)

To the President of the Republic of Albania, Mr. Sali Berisha To the Prime Minister of the Republic of Albania, Mr. Aleksandër Meksi To the Chairman of the Presidium of the People’s Assembly, Mr. Pjetër Arbnori To the Chairman of the Democratic Party, Mr. Eduard Selami To the Chairman of the Parliamentary Group of the DP, Mr. Ali Spahia Gentlemen, Through this statement, I wish to inform you of my decision to resign from the office of Minister of Finance and Economy. Having been appointed to this position by the will and confidence of the Albanian Parliament and voted in by the Democratic Party majority, I feel a moral and political obligation to explain the reasons for this decision. For a period of two years, I have headed one of the most important departments of the Government of the Republic of Albania. This has been an important period in the field of economic reform. It is enough to mention the significant reduction in inflation and the improvement in the public budget situation, as well as the stabilization of prices and the national currency. To carry out economic reform, we have had to create a new financial system from scratch. The scale of the change to this system and the complexity of the problems have meant that shortcomings and weaknesses have become apparent in some sectors, particularly in customs, which—with intensive work in the field of … [the source text is garbled here]— … do not have the will to strengthen and advance democracy in Albania. Through a cloud of insinuations, slander and rumors about nonexistent corruption, these forces have sought to attack the Democratic Party and the institutions of the democratic state through me. This atmosphere has made it extremely difficult for my colleagues and me to continue carrying out this difficult duty normally. Finding myself in this position, fully conscious of my moral integrity and incompatibility with corruption, but mindful of the responsibilities of this office, I am taking one of the most normal courses of action in a democratic system: I am resigning from the post of minister, convinced that my resignation will help strengthen the positive image of the democratic government, as well as my own personal image. Meanwhile, I personally, as a politician and professional, will continue to contribute with all my strength within the ranks of my party and the Albanian Parliament, in whatever duties may be assigned to me. confidence of the Democratic Parliament and elected by the Albanian Parliament, reasons for the decision I have taken. For a period of two years, we the economic crisis. During this period, alongside the positive assessments of the highest-ranking figures of the Albanian State, the most progressive part of Albanian public opinion, as well as many international economic organizations, unfortunately I have also felt around me an atmosphere of ill will and speculation, created by certain forces that To carry out the economic reform, it was necessary of the changes sectors, particularly in customs; these can be remedied through more intensive work in the relevant area of streamlining and administration. ill will and speculation, created by certain forces that

THE SP HAS BEEN DECAPITATED BY CRIME AND CORRUPTION, MR. DOKLE The black pages of “ZP” are often made even blacker by the “bombshell” and “banner” statements or articles of its former editor-in-chief, Namik Dokle. Given the number and volume of the articles he publishes under his own name or pseudonyms, one gets the impression that he still considers himself de facto to hold that position. Naturally, this is understandable. The group of left-wing extremists, or incorrigible Enverists and Ramizists, fanatical to the point of criminality, anti-law and anti-national, could not find anyone more trusted and obedient to command “ZP.” And when I say trusted, I mean to command it: he shines like his predecessors, Enver Hoxha, and shines like his predecessors Enveri, Ramiz Alia and Fatos Nano in the art of demagoguery, manipulation and deception. He is surprising and delighting them in another field as well. Although, as he boasts in “ZP” on 10 November, he is an agrarian economist, Namik is emerging as a great screenwriter and as the defense lawyer for the SP—more so than as a lawyer of any dignity. The wounds have not left the hair and teeth of those who appeared in Enverist trials. Even when the SP is attacked with arguments of the same kind, irrefutable arguments that an entire people knows or has experienced, Namik is quick to respond with the arsenal of weapons inherited from his predecessors. In the sights of Doklevician artillery are the President, DP chairman Eduard Selami and Prime Minister Meksi. Just as Enver called the Party of Labour of Albania, its people and its leaders the saviors of the whole world, besieged and attacked by a hostile world, Dokle too claims to suffer persecution (at the party level), pressure and personal stress—from the DP, Mr. Berisha and Mr. Selami. According to Enverist thinking, the SP believes that the DP is trying to decapitate and destroy it. Despite this, given Namik’s fate and his deaf ears to the appeals of the 11th Congress of the PPSH or the pro-Nano congress of the Party-Enverists, we are ready to … [the source text is garbled here]. The concrete and transparent statements and actions of the DP, Mr. Berisha and Mr. Selami are open for all to see; they express their appreciation and respect for the opposition. Aware that a constructive opposition is indispensable in a pluralist system, they have regarded and continue to regard the opposition as a pillar of democracy. But they are entirely entitled to express their reservations and criticisms when, to date, the SP has not shown through words and deeds that it is a serious, sincere and constructive opposition, and when it has been decapitated by left-wing extremists, crime and corruption—by the Nanos, Rucët, Brokajt, Islamët and Legisët. It is precisely these people and their overt and covert followers who have usurped and are manipulating the SP; who are abusing the trust of members with pure socialist ideals in order to conceal the 9 million stolen and thousands and millions more; and who, through openly destructive actions and secret agreements, seek to block every effort at reform, Albania’s integration into the Council of Europe, and so on. To regain their lost seats and privileges, they are prepared to set their own country ablaze. The SP has not been decapitated by the DP; it has been decapitated by the absurd, immoral and inhumane struggle that Enverists, Ramizists and Fatosists wage against human rights (let us not forget that they did not vote for the law on human rights and freedoms), by the suppression of illegal demonstrations, and by the involvement of Nano and his most loyal associates in crimes, massacres and corruption. The DP has clearly shown through its actions that it seeks partners in democracy (that is, worthy, sincere and constructive partners). It has respected and valued those who have responded to it and acted as such, transparently. It also respects and values objectively and with goodwill all SP members who hold pure socialist ideals, because it distinguishes them from the Nanos and Dokleviçi. XHEVAT MUSTAFA

- In response to an article published by MP Legisi in “ZP”… - The DP fights extremism and corruption within its ranks, while the SP does the opposite; and yet, according to Legisi, the DP’s reputation is declining while the SP’s is rising. How should this be understood? - The facts, however, are stubborn: new members join the DP every day. In an article published (of course) in “ZP,” entitled “The arrest of F. Nano and the propaganda against him failed to conceal corruption among DP officials,” MP Ndre Legisi struggles to analyze the DP. The article could just as well have been entitled “Legisi answers for Nano” or “Eurosocialist love for Baban,” but every author, after all, chooses the title of his own article. In short, the above article (like every “ZP” article) talks about the end of the DP, about its policies, which supposedly know only defeats and no successes, and about the rising reputation of the SP, which continues to move from “victory to victory.” In addition, MP Legisi, who claims to belong to the moderate wing of the SP, attacks the so-called extreme right of the DP and reminds us that there are corrupt people in the DP. That is anyone’s right, but before analyzing the DP, “Eurosocialist” Legisi would do well to analyze the SP, even if only once. Before attacking the extremists in the DP, let him deal first with the Enverists in the SP and, finally, … (continues on page 4)

During this summer and autumn, the privatization of the land belonging to the former NB enterprises has gathered new momentum. According to data from the privatization directorates at the Ministry of Agriculture and Food, out of 100,221 hectares of land belonging to former enterprises, more than 3,840 hectares have so far been allocated to agricultural specialists, providing a good basis for creating micro-farms with a promising future. Furthermore, workers of the former agricultural enterprises have so far been allocated a total of around 88,127 hectares of agricultural land. These are figures for the country as a whole. But it should be said that in many districts of the country this process had been completed as early as July–August. Thus, Bulqiza, Devolli, Elbasani, Kolonja, Korça, Kuçova, Mallakastra, Mati, Pogradeci, Tepelena, etc. have reached 100%. Among the districts nearing completion are also several with large areas of land belonging to former enterprises, such as Tirana at 96%, and Gjirokastra at 98%. Naturally, there are also delays. This is, in the first instance, not the fault of the PD’s line and policy or its government, but rather the indifference and unwillingness of local authorities at the grassroots level. The proof also applies (Continued on page 2)

Work to remove the communist symbols from the mosaic on the facade of the National History Museum in the capital was completed on Tuesday morning. The decision taken a short time ago by the Ministry of Culture, Youth and Sports was thus implemented. Removing these symbols is both a necessary and temporary measure in the approach to this mosaic, which is typical of communist propaganda panels. (ATSSh)

- Incompetence among officials and signs of corruption. - The relevant ministries should answer for this. These days, long queues of citizens waiting to obtain kerosene can be seen in the capital. After 20,000 tons of kerosene arrived free of charge from Libya and Kuwait, it seemed that the kerosene problem would be resolved at least for this year. But the supply to the market lasted only a few months. Now, at least since the beginning of this month, it has become very difficult to get a five-liter container of kerosene in the capital. Considering that we are gradually entering the heart of winter, the situation must be regarded as extremely critical. But the Ministry of Construction does not think so. Hysni Laci, chairman of the Executive Agency for Heating the Population, says: “There’s enough kerosene for everyone to bathe in.” This statement is certainly reassuring, but the fact that citizens cannot find it on the market prompts us to ask further: who is driving the artificial kerosene crisis? Let us take the links in order: Hysni Gjoni, Director of NK Lëndë Djegëse Tiranë: “I haven’t received any kerosene for four days. My tanker trucks have been waiting at the distribution points since six in the morning, but the reservoirs are empty.” Tefta Lami, head of the Distribution Department of the General Directorate of Fuels (Petrol-Impeksi): “We provide the Tirana Fuel Department with an ample allocation. They have to bring it in their own vehicles.” Shpëtim Shehu, Director of the Tirana Fuel Department: “The fuel…” official kerosene. Let us take the links one by one: For a period of two years, we have witnessed one of the gravest catastrophes: an Albanian Government, whose difficulties multiply particularly during the transition and the economic crisis. Nevertheless, assisted by a group of capable and honest colleagues, supported throughout by the entire government team and by the parliamentary group of the Democratic Party, and also enjoying the support of the President of the Republic himself, within this relatively short period we have (Continued on page 4)

Pursuant to Article 28, paragraph 7, of Law No. 7491, dated 29.04.1991, “On the Main Constitutional Provisions,” and on the proposal of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers, the President of the Republic decrees: Article 1 Mr. Genc Ruli is relieved of his duties as Minister of Finance and Economy, at his own request, and is assigned another duty. Article 2 Mr. Artan Hoxha is relieved of his duties as Minister of Trade and Economic Cooperation with Foreign Countries, as he is to be appointed to another position. Article 3 Mr. Abdyl Xhaja is relieved of his duties as Minister of Industry, Mineral Resources and Energy. Article 4 Mr. Pirro Dishnica is appointed Minister of Finance. Article 5 Mr. Selim Belortaja is appointed Minister of Industry and Trade. Article 6 This decree enters into force immediately. President of the Republic SALI BERISHA Tirana, 9.11.1993