Emerging from an unprecedented historical isolation from itself and others, with no enemies in the world and extremely poor, Albania, with its 3 million people, seems a great surprise to the 3 billion people across the world’s democracies. The extraordinary economic chaos, the war against God, conscience, freedom and thought, isolation from the civilized world, the dictatorial devastation in which one third of the population rotted in prisons and concentration camps—all summed up in the inhuman code of communism—were unjustly imposed on the people, their culture and their history, creating the image of a hellish country in the civilized world. Communism came to Albania as a fatality. Albania, freed from the shackles of a dictatorship imposed by the macabre Bolshevik ideology, sought rebirth. Viewed across the political, cultural, economic and social spectrum, the year we have left behind was a year of rebirth. If 1992 was the year of farewell, 1993 was the year of building an image of freedom, development, construction and justice. The Albanians’ long-held dream—integration into Europe—took on a realistic and practical form. The Albanian Parliament, the prime minister, the government and, especially, the President of the Republic and Albania’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, devised and implemented a highly relevant diplomatic platform which, in less than two years, gave Albania a great deal as a state. London and Moscow, in order to secure economic partnership for Albania as it advanced toward the success of its reforms. The signing of the long-awaited agreement with the IMF and its high assessments of the reforms helped establish an image of trust between Albanians and their European partners. Political stability, Albania’s commitments to regional peace, and the legal framework needed for investment and privatization were presented to European and international organizations, making it possible to continue the process of aid, loans, investment and technical assistance. Ambitious projects were carried out as part of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ commitments. Two highly significant gatherings—the meeting of Albanian businesspeople and members of the diaspora, and the recent conference on foreign investment—showed that this state and government are wholly committed to developing the country. The very attractive offers of the EU, the Council of Europe and the World Bank showed that Albanian diplomacy had been active at Western negotiating tables in order to portray the reality of Albania. Precisely in pursuit of this diplomatic aim, the Albanian state signed many agreements in the region, in Europe and internationally. The year 1993, which we have just seen out, was an admirable reality in this respect. For the first time in 50 years, Albania also knocked on Europe’s door economically, confident that it had friends, well-wishers and respected, serious partners there. The Albanian-American military agreement, the first of its kind for a post-communist country, represented a strong opportunity for Albania’s security and its integration into NATO. During 1993 Albania gained new friends, many of them previously unknown to us, such as Israel, Malaysia, Pakistan, the Nordic countries, Spain, the Netherlands and the Islamic countries—friendships that developed rapidly in political and economic terms. Distinguished figures in regional and international politics were long-standing friends. While Greece, gripped by the fever of chauvinism, expelled Albanian emigrants in an unprecedented act of violence, major allies on both sides of the Atlantic stood by Albania. The CSCE missions were invited by the Albanian state to assess the situation of minorities in Albania, and for the first time in this century our diplomacy asked them to take a similar interest in Albanian-inhabited areas in Greece. We had partnership and improved relations with the USA, Germany, England and Belgium, as well as with France, Israel, the Vatican, the Czech Republic, Poland and all the countries of the Eastern bloc, except the enemy of pan-Balkan peace, Milošević’s Serbia! We maintained good relations with our Italian, Macedonian and Greek neighbors. In Tirana, ... Integration into Europe took prime minister, the government, implemented a highly revolutionary diplomatic platform which, in less than two years, gave a great deal to Albania as a state and to its image in Europe and the world. Many European leaders described the Albanian foreign policy pursued during this period as a policy of peace and regional stability. A highly significant assessment of this kind was also made by US President B. Clinton in his latest letter to President Berisha. The half-century-old enemies of the Albanian dictatorship—the USA, Germany, Italy, etc.—became our main partners in the diplomatic and economic fields. At the same time, Albanian diplomacy was highly active in its three strategic areas. First, Albania’s integration into Europe: the facts and the living reality show that 1993 marked Albania’s definitive opening toward democracy and progress. For the first time, among the countries of the Balkans, Albania was visited and blessed by the man of God on Earth, Pope John Paul II. His visit was a clear message to everyone that Albania is determined to develop freedom and democracy. The leaders of Turkey, Italy, Bulgaria, Greece, Slovenia, Malaysia, China, etc., were welcomed in Tirana with the respect due to a guest and a desire for the most fruitful cooperation. Having emerged from isolation, Albania successfully cooperated on a broad economic, political and military scale with the respected organizations of Europe: NATO, the EU, the Council of Europe, NACC, EFTA, the Islamic Conference, etc. In the Western Union and the European Union, Albania demonstrated a high degree of readiness, confidence, optimism and partnership. Like Verner or Klepsh, like Brien or Langer, like Lalumier or Delor, those who expressed their views on Albania praised its contribution to peace, its courage and the successes of its reforms, its cooperation and stability, offering assurances of continued bilateral stability. Second: Guarantees for the success of reform in Albania. Albanian diplomacy acted vigorously in Brussels, Geneva, New York, Vienna, Bonn, Rome, Athens, Strasbourg, Paris, France, Israel, the Vatican, the Czech Republic, Poland and throughout the Eastern bloc—excluding the enemy of inter-Balkan peace, Miloševiç’s Greek neighbors. The leader of Montenegro, Bulatoviç, was also welcomed in Tirana, showing that Albania devoted every opportunity to peace, dialogue and regional cooperation. The many economic and military agreements with Turkey, Italy and other countries in the region demonstrate a shared commitment to democratic progress in the Balkans and the Mediterranean. Outside the unreal foundations of 45 years of isolation, the new Albanian diplomacy sought and built ways and opportunities to express the democratic and cultural vitality of the Albanians. It presented to the civilized world the antiquity and honorable history of the Albanian people, their tradition, culture and contribution to peace. Albanians were never and are not aggressors, even though their school-age population passed through wars and battles for existence and national dignity. For centuries, and now as well, they have shown the world their tolerance and peaceful spirit. And in this historical perspective, in the present day, once again struggling for survival, unity and dignity, the Albanians and their new leaders deserved more than a “Nobel” Peace Prize, more than the respect of 7 million people, more than a Sakharov peace prize. They defied Serbian terror by electing their legitimate legal institutions, earning a place as serious and genuine partners at the tables of Western diplomacy. But they deserve more... The year 1993, a year of great challenges, brought the Albanians closer to European civilization, closer to realizing their aspirations for progress and national unity, and earned them respect as dedicated partners in the economic, political and military world. The next year is approaching with new farewells, new aims, dreams, successes and, why not, perhaps new disappointments too. And it remains for us together to foster and develop respect for national symbols and the ideals of peace, progress and democracy.

The spokesperson for the Ministry of Public Order informed ATSH today that on January 3, 1993, at around 10:30, in the area of boundary pyramid D.14/18, just 5.5 meters inside former Yugoslav territory, the Albanian citizen Ramadan Ibrahim Mustafa, 25, from the village of Kosharish in the district of Kukes, was killed. Following this incident, the Local Joint Commission for the Resolution of Border Incidents convened immediately. An on-site investigation established that the victim had crossed the border while cutting grass and was taken by surprise and shot by the Serbian patrol from very close range, just 15 meters away. The Commission also found nine cartridge cases from a 1-K 1976 automatic rifle at the scene. The victim’s body had been struck from behind by five bullets, beginning at the buttocks and rising to the shoulders. The corpse had been dragged for 6–7 meters, parallel to the border line. The police and the knitted garment he had been wearing had also been removed from his body. The spokesperson also reported another border incident, which took place on January 2 near the border line, 30 meters inside our territory, at pyramid C-6 in the Tropoje area, at around 15:30. Regarding this second incident, the spokesperson explained that the Serbian border unit wounded Albanian citizen Hamit Ram Sallahuj, 20, for no reason, while he was grazing livestock. The wounded man was immediately taken to Tropoje hospital, where he is still receiving treatment. Thus, the number of victims since the beginning of 1993 has reached 21. (ATSH)

TIRANA—Internal sources at Tirana Police Station No. 1 report that at 11:00 on January 4, the criminal police of this station detained citizen Bashkim Isufaj, 39, president of the civil guards at the “Alimal” company. He was detained because the above-mentioned citizen had disturbed public order and tranquility. Regarding this detention, the source points out that during a search at the police unit, a Czech-made revolver with four bullets was found on him, which he was carrying without a permit. The case materials were forwarded to the Tirana District Prosecutor’s Office.

—Statement by the spokesperson of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Albania— According to information collected by the Albanian border authorities, on January 3, 1994, at 10:30, at pyramid D 14/18 in Baze, Kukes, Yugoslav border guards fired at a distance of 15 m, inflicting five wounds, and killed the Albanian citizen Ramadan Ibrahim Mustafa, 25, 5.5 m inside Yugoslav territory. On the same date, at 15:00, in the border area in Tropoje, Serbian border forces opened fire from Yugoslav territory and seriously wounded the Albanian citizen Hamid Ram Sallaku, 20, on Albanian soil. These premeditated criminal acts, strongly driven by the malicious anti-Albanian aims of Serbian chauvinists, continue actions of this kind that they have carried out in the past. In the incidents that have occurred on Albania’s border with Serbia and Montenegro, all those wounded and killed have been Albanians, and not a single one has been a Serb. The two most recent victims bring the total since the beginning of 1993 to 21. Such criminal acts are part of the war-tension strategy pursued by Milosheviçi, and they foment situations with unforeseeable consequences in the region. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs strongly protests these incidents, which must cease immediately. ATSH

BURREL: The number of units privatized in the district of Mat has reached 785. These mainly belong to municipal services, trade, transport, etc. About 30 other properties put up for auction were not sold because there were no buyers. In some cases, the latter are also held back by failure to implement the law on the restitution of property. ATSH

On an article by H.Jupe after the New Year Although Jupe has demonstrated his abilities as an analyst in the past, when he wrote about students who wanted to remove the dictator’s name from UT or about Mira Konçi’s first concert, he still does not give up analyzing. This time, in an article in “ZP” titled “Partnership or vassalage,” he undertakes to analyze a phrase by the President about “partnership in democracy.” Since the author of “ZP” did not know the meaning of the word partnership, he leafed through several dictionaries. Although he also presented the contents of those dictionaries in the article itself, he still did not understand what “partnership in democracy” means. Mr. Jupe, partnership in democracy means that everyone contributes to advancing democratic reforms, not with words but through practical action. Sabotage, putting obstacles in the way at every step, and blackening everything democracy creates do not count as partnership. Those who vote only “against” in parliament, those who still mourn the time of “Baba” and call for blood and terror, cannot be called partners in democracy. So, Mr. Jupe, the partners cannot be the communist extremists of the PS. That is why the President called on the genuinely democratic forces to form a partnership, even if they are within the PS. People like you cannot understand this. A person who once used the Bolshevik phrase about Lenin, “when we say Lenin, we mean the party,” for Enver Hoxha, and who uses it again today for the leader Fatos, merely in a “renovated” form—with the PS as his vassal—cannot understand it. This fear is linked to the mistake some continue to make: confusing cooperation with governing together, and failing to understand the figures and results of the March 22 elections. The “great force” in Albania should not take a position, but if Nano and Dokle really occupy the positions of those who bear the burdens for the PS, then we understand, because the PS cannot be separated from them. As for the PD, it is difficult for it to accept partnership with people like these, especially when one of them is accused of corruption. To be Nano’s partner today means being an accomplice in crime, and the PS cannot accept that. Mr. Jupe. But it seems that for you there can be no PS without Nano. I do not believe everyone in the PS thinks this way, but, in any case, that is your concern. The “great force” in Albania is not only the left-wing extremists, Hamdi; there are others within your party and in other parties whom you disparage in your article. The facts are that the PSD belongs to the Socialist International, while your party has not yet even been invited to its door. Jupe also complains because the President stated the truth: the PS has presented no alternatives, only grievances. “Should we list the alternatives the PS has presented?” Jupe asks, then, after pausing and trying to remember any, continues: “It seems to us a waste of time and space.” As is well known, presenting alternatives has always seemed to the PS a waste of time, so it has contented itself with opposition and with the obstacles it has placed in the way of elections offered by the PD. Jupe is also concerned that the PD might seek to turn Fatos Nano’s political course into a vassal of its own. the figures and results of the March 22 elections. Finally, I would ask the leadership of the PS not to take severe measures against its journalist for what he has written, since he surely did not mean any harm. He has proven himself a convinced Enverist, so his lapses can be forgiven. “SHARPENING THE PEN AGAINST THE PRESIDENT”