—38% of the 1994 budget will be allocated to social compensation for the reform— The country’s entry into the market economy and the democratic state’s commitment to continuing along this path brought about a change in society’s social relations. On the one hand, small and large traders, the first capitalists and the first millionaires emerged; on the other, rapid reform, widespread unemployment, high prices and initially uncontrolled inflation created the impression of an unforeseen hardship for people. These difficulties were compounded, like a prolonged calamity, by the propaganda of the social-communist opposition, which generated psychological terror intended to disorient people. The terms “harsh capitalism,” “the brutality of competition,” and “denial of the underprivileged classes” filled the pages of the left-wing press, led by “ZP,” accompanied by speeches from Communist leadership orators. This zeal for attacking newborn capitalism in Albania was among the most fierce and least substantiated in all of Eastern Europe. It ultimately relied on the familiar terminology and baggage of the PPSH, with which world capitalism had been attacked for 50 years—and by virtually the same people. In addition to this, while the leadership of the PP(S) that directed this propaganda also had its own government, the new democratic state became concerned with understanding the situation and assessing it. Under these circumstances, as early as March 1992, the measure was taken to abolish the 80 percent [surcharge], which was destructive to the Albanian economy and had been used by the communist government of the PP(S) as a means of artificially prolonging the life of the communist regime. The introduction of social assistance, although the opposition advertised it as a drastic measure that would even endanger workers’ lives, in reality encouraged productive sectors to put into operation those lines, factories or enterprises that had until then been closed and had no interest in continuing production. Realistically, from then until now, the democratic state has pursued a tangible social policy; millions of lekë have been spent to compensate for this assistance, the liberalized price of bread, etc. In particular, the hilly and mountainous areas have received millions of lekë during this period to compensate for bread costs, in the form of land assistance, etc. These areas have received more money from the Albanian state treasury in the form of assistance than they received from agricultural cooperative payrolls under the communist regime, while their land and livestock have been returned to them. In addition, the five-day working week was introduced, a success for Albanian workers as a whole, demonstrating the democratic state’s continuing concern for improving the lives of its people, even under the difficult conditions of complex reform. The introduction of one year of maternity leave, increases in wages and pensions, and substantial funding for education, culture and other budgetary institutions mean that the democratic state’s social policy is practical and present, making it possible to soften the transitional effects of reform. The democratic government announced that 38% of the 1994 budget… the strictest and most unargued throughout Eastern Europe. It relied entirely on the familiar terms and ideological baggage of the PPSH, with which it attacked 50 years of world capitalism’s experience, and almost those people themselves. Moreover, the leadership of the PP(S), which led this campaign even at small and large rallies, proved most clearly that in reality the PS was not in favor of a market economy, as stated in its program, but in favor of turning back. For this retreat, the PP(S) used a particular strategy and tactic, which is not the subject of this article; rather, we will try to explain the extraordinary efforts of the new democratic state to implement a social policy for its citizens, who, despite having worked for 30, 40 or 50 years, had not managed to save even a single penny—a phenomenon rarely seen in the world. Under these circumstances, from the very beginning of the PD’s assumption of power and the corrections and compliance required for its implementation by the IMF and the World Bank, it is quite clear what extraordinary efforts the democratic government is making to implement social policy on such a large scale, while showing ongoing care and willingness to engage in dialogue with the trade unions. But what has the PS actually done to help improve social life in the country? In reality, the notions of protecting the “underprivileged” sections of society have remained only in the speeches of its leadership. The PS has tried, and continues to try, to undermine the democratic state’s social policy by creating artificial political tensions and calling for new elections and the government’s resignation, which lead to an unsuitable climate for foreign investors. And it is well known that without increased production, pursuing such a social policy will be a great sacrifice for the democratic state.

Yesterday morning at the headquarters of the Albanian Democratic Party, the chairman of the Albanian Democratic Party, Mr. Eduart Selami, received a delegation from the Party for Democratic Prosperity of the Albanians of Macedonia, consisting of Mr. Aziz Lloga, coordinator of the Interim Governing Council; Mr. Shezo Zenku, a member of this Council; and Mr. Shazi Mehmeti. At the meeting, which was also attended by DP vice-chairmen Mr. Spahia and Mr. Dosti, and Executive Committee member Mr. Dylber Vrioni, information and views were exchanged on various issues concerning … parties [?] Among other things, Mr. Eduart Selami once again emphasized the support of the Democratic Party of Albania for the Interim Governing Council of elected at the December Assembly in Gostivar, which is leading the party until its next congress. PRESS AND INFORMATION DEPARTMENT OF THE ALBANIAN DEMOCRATIC PARTY

—From the press conference of PS vice-chairman S. Pellumbi and parliamentary group chairman N. Dokle— Yesterday at PS headquarters in Tirana, two of the PS leaders, S. Pellumbi and N. Dokle, held a press conference, eight months after Nano’s last conference. First, PS vice-chairman S. Pellumbi read a press statement. The statement repeated phrases about “the violation of human rights,” “the failures of the democratic government,” “Nano’s release,” etc. It also set a new deadline for early elections: autumn ’94. It should be said that since 23 March, this is the fourth or fifth deadline PS has set for new elections. After the statement, journalists asked various questions. We give below, briefly, just a few statements by the two PS leaders, accompanied by short comments. These issues will be discussed again later. —The “KJ” journalist (formerly its editor-in-chief) put four questions. Before answering, N. Dokle thanked this journalist for the questions he had asked. —S. Pellumbi: “We see early elections as the only constitutional means of reaching a new political solution, which is necessary to change the existing balance of power… Of course, we cannot impose it with the number of MPs we have in Parliament.” PS has precisely the number of MPs it has in Parliament because those are the votes it received from the people; the balance does not change just because PS wants it to. Their wish is to hold new elections after losing all the elections, but that cannot happen, because then Albania would have elections every month. —Asked by a journalist about the paradox of PS declaring itself renewed while having an organ that is 50 years old, “ZP,” S. Pellumbi replied: “PS is a new party. As for the fact that ‘ZP’ retains its name… We have a party view that, for the sake of tradition, it should continue… We are trying to get ‘ZP’ to campaign for democracy in Albania.” In short, then, PS and “ZP” will continue, in keeping with tradition, to campaign for “democracy in Albania,” just as they are doing now. —S. Pellumbi: “On 25 November 1991, at the party’s first conference, we distanced ourselves from the past, from E. Hoxha…” They may have distanced themselves, but that did not stop Nano from calling E. Hoxha “Father” after the party’s first conference. —N. Dokle: “Europe has discussed the Nano issue… but has not protested.” Nevertheless, PS is satisfied even with that. —S. Pellumbi, about the democratic government: “Has it achieved anything? Of course it has, but… The opposition is the opposition, and its duty is… to criticize.” —S. Pellumbi: “At yesterday’s meeting of the G-24, attended by a government delegation from our country, many objections were raised about violations of human rights.” Meanwhile, a witness at the meeting, who was in the room, states that this is not at all true and explains, moreover, that the G-24 is an organization concerned only with economic issues. —Do you accept any part of Nano’s guilt? S. Pellumbi: “We cannot analyze that here… But the accusations raised in the Nano case are being raised tendentiously. In fact, if it were not for the political coloring, those matters would not constitute grounds for criminal prosecution at all.” If Mr. Pellumbi were to open the criminal code, he would find chapters and articles on forgery and abuse of office. When there are criminal offenses, there is criminal prosecution; politics deals with entirely different things. NOTE As always, PS supporters were present at the “press” conference. Besides applauding their leaders, they used vulgar insults and threats against journalists they considered “undesirable.” Even so, it should be said that some PS leaders and MPs helped ensure that the press conference, held at PS headquarters, did not end in a boxing match between the headquarters’ guards and the journalists in question. EDI PALOKA

The deafening daily propaganda of “ZP” in defense of the “great” chairman Nano reminds me every day of the dictator Enver. In his time, this very same propaganda kept telling us that Enver Hoxha was the world’s greatest Marxist-Leninist. According to “ZP,” the world had to learn from E. Hoxha how to fight imperialism and revisionism. Those who defend Nano today are not worried about him. He is an enemy; “ZP” has fought them, beginning with Anastas Lulo and Sadik Premtja and going as far as the many-talented Mehmet Shehu, whom it killed—we killed him, “ZP” knows. They are concerned about themselves, because they are tied together by a thread of corruption. Before the trial has even begun, “ZP” is screaming that Nano is innocent. Nowhere else in the world, except under the PPSH, does this happen: talk about the individual (Nano) and mean the party, and talk about the party and mean the individual (Nano). Is there a greater insult to the PS than identifying an individual’s name with the Party? But “ZP” does not mind, because that is how it acted with Enver, and the same goes for his son. Nano’s associates, by defending Nano, think they are defending themselves. But they are dreaming with their eyes open. You can’t hide a minaret in a sack. Whereas in Nano’s time, one word spoken against the crocodile Enver could land you in prison, Enver’s town criers today are trying to pull Nano out of the swamp of corruption. But today’s justice does not take orders, as it did yesterday, from the chief architects of “ZP.” Democracy should be enjoyed by those who deserve it. Let the others suffer their punishment. ISMET SHESHORI Former political prisoner

—Minister Dashamir Shehi Says— It is true that five months ago, 80 girls from Korçë went to work in Cyprus in the garment-making sector. It should be said that this employment contract was signed between the Ministry of Labour and Emigration, the only such body in Albania, and Mr Ali Beu, a Cypriot private owner, and not with the state of Cyprus, Mr Dashamir Shehi, Minister of this department, tells RD. As this is the case, we cannot prevent the irresponsible actions of a foreign owner either—in this instance, Ali Beu, who, being entirely independent of his state, has also displayed instances of breaching the contract and, as a result, of failing to treat Albanian workers properly under the stipulated terms. Under these circumstances, the ministry sent Deputy Minister Mr Tanush Frasheri to Cyprus in recent days to bring all the girls back to their homeland. Given the two alternatives—staying or returning—we chose the latter as the better one, while stating that future contracts for organized emigration should be concluded with the state, and not solely with foreign owners, says Ali Beu. As a ministry, we will learn from this experience and will no longer allow such bad agreements. DYLEJMAN KARAJ

—Only Democrats are targets of violence; no socialists —Coincidence or calculation? —Let democratic law strike without mercy those who knowingly break it The executive committees of the branches of the DP, PSD and PR in the Devoll district have agreed on the serious incidents and recent events in our district and issue the following joint declaration: In the Devoll district, the DP and the other coalition parties reaped the crown of a complete victory in the elections of 22 March and 26 July, securing power at all its levels. Over the course of a year, law and order and calm have been secured, despite the very large influx of refugees from Greece. The reform processes in other fields have progressed quite well and have been a positive factor; the economic situation of citizens, and especially of villagers, has improved considerably. There have been no manifestations of extremism in the political life of the three coalition parties or in their joint activities. People with democratic commitment and professional abilities have been employed in local government bodies and the administration, as well as in enterprises and various institutions; among them are many former communist-socialists and non-party members. This has, to some extent, helped ease social conflicts. But over the past few months, and especially in the last month, several serious incidents and events have occurred that have put citizens’ lives at risk. Without politicizing the other cases, such as the killing, for trivial reasons, of police officer Enver Hoxha from Progrí, and of Artist Gjylit, a citizen persecuted by the monist regime, the beating to death and lynching of the chairman of the Balli party in Devoll, Mr. Kujtim Demiraj, on 4 January 1994 has led us to believe that, at this time of calm and success, reactionary and destabilizing forces are undertaking organized actions involving pressure, revenge and destabilization. These can no longer be called blind forces; they have very clear political aims, [and target] honest nationalists and underprivileged people who advocate true democracy. We appeal not only to the judicial authorities, as a reminder, to address these cases and other cases nationwide in their political aspect—as political attacks against pluralism and democracy in Albania. It is no coincidence that, in our district over these three years, democratic people and the persecuted have been provoked, beaten and attacked, while not a single socialist or former holder of power has been targeted. We protest unanimously and forcefully against the boundless tolerance and forbearance, often inexplicable, shown toward certain individuals left at large, with grave and irreparable consequences for the fate of democracy. We demand that democratic law strike firmly and without hesitation against all those who threaten citizens’ lives, especially people holding positions of responsibility in government and parties. PR,

—For passenger transport companies that win municipal tenders, a government order grants exclusivity— “After December, the extended deadline for implementing the government order on establishing ‘Passenger Transport Companies,’ January will be the final time limit,” Transport and Telecommunications Minister Fatos Bitiçka told ATSH. According to Mr. Bitiçka, this order, issued in August of last year, aims to regulate and raise the quality of intercity transport services, and to organize private buses into transport companies, as is common in the modern world. It will eliminate the haphazard nature of traffic and services, the lack of timetables, agencies and designated places for purchasing tickets, as well as citizens’ concerns about the lack of guarantees and technical assistance for buses that break down during a journey—all of which were characteristic of the two-year period that has passed. “In companies of this kind,” the Minister of Transport added, “owners protect their financial and technical interests and profits, matters in which the state itself has an interest, and they also provide better service to citizens.” Through a tender, the municipality, which at the same time also issues licenses to private operators, selects groups of owners to have exclusive rights to provide intercity services. According to Mr. Bitiçka, these companies have been organized in 50–60 percent of districts. Transport companies in Vlora, Fier, Përmet, Tepelenë, Peshkopi, Lushnjë, etc., are now beginning to reap the benefits of this new organization. But the desire to pocket profits from the very first moment, and the municipalities’ inadequate work, mean that private drivers in Tirana, Korçë, Elbasan and some other cities have still not organized themselves. Meanwhile, Shkodra is completing this work, and the Municipality of Tirana will also take measures to maintain the vehicles and the stations, which are currently crowded. The many meetings held by Ministry specialists and Mr. Bitiçka himself with drivers in the districts, as well as television programs on this issue, are clarifying this new way of working, which private bus owners are accepting more and more widely every day. ATSH