Nano criticizes Albania in various social activities and compares it with fascism and chains from the changing of the surroundings Democracy will not allow itself to be desecrated by criminals. It is fully understandable that the chairman of the Socialist Party, Mr. Fatos Nano, convicted by a final judgment as the perpetrator of abuse of office to the detriment of a state with an economy devastated by the past 50 years, must not only serve his sentence according to the law, but also has no moral right to blacken Albania and democracy before public opinion or to criticize the press, judges and the Albanian police. The repeated testimony of the national and international press, as well as of prosecutors and investigators, proves how Nano, in 1991-1992, equipped with power secured through manipulated votes and with the hatred nurtured for 45 years against pluralism and the market economy, led a corrupt government, a government that gave a dramatic rise to economic and financial crime. Completely detached from the reality of the hard life of our people, fallen prey to a severe psychological state and gripped by the fever of hatred against political pluralism and the market economy, Fatos Nano sees as a hope of saving himself from the shame of judgment by his ordinary fellow inmates the possibility of presenting the democratic government, the Albanian parliament, the judiciary and the independent press with absurd accusations, which, in his view, have suffocated him and which he calls modern fascists, Stalinists and inquisitors. We understand from the calmness of Mr. Fatos Nano that the well-known manipulations and intrigues of the red parrot ultimately fail and prove unsuccessful. As we recall up to today, Fatos Nano presents the conflict he has with the rule of law and democratic governance as a personal matter, accusing them of allegedly killing J. Kosta and stealing children in Albania. Such slanders and fabrications, which clearly reflect his mental state, are so ridiculous that they do not honor even him or those who push and instruct him to write such letters from the cell. For any Albanian, it can make no sense that he, as a man with an oriental mentality of hatred toward the opponent, rejects with the language of hatred and rage all the institutions of the democratic state and compares them to Stalinist fascism. Only such a man, who has desecrated with his actions not only the wealth of this country but also the hopes of part of the Albanian people, can do that. No prosecutor and no judge in Albania condemned Mr. Fatos Nano either for his political beliefs or for his ideas. He was sentenced because justice established that he had been involved in a series of serious violations of the law. Instead of reflecting on his own faults, from prison he tries to issue political orders for the defense of corruption and crime. (To be continued on page 2)

It is enough to look through the press of these days, not only that of the opposition but also papers such as “Koha Jonë”, “Alternative”, “Dardania”, “Aleksi”, “Bujku”, “Flaka”, “Milosao”, etc., to notice that there is a uniform synchrony in the claims of the political spectrum to which they belong, about the existence of a “political crisis” in Albania. These claims come in an organized sequence, in different forms, but with the same aim: to create the idea that the country is heading toward a major political clash. However, to understand how valid these claims are, one only needs to look at Albanian reality and the functioning of the institutions. Albania today has a pluralist parliament, a government that functions, a represented opposition, varied press, and an open political life. Political debate, dissatisfaction, criticism and polemics are a normal part of democracy and do not in themselves constitute a crisis. In reality, what the opposition seeks is to present every difficulty, every economic or social problem, every natural tension of the transition, as proof of the failure of the democratic order. This is a propaganda effort to gain political ground, not an objective analysis of the situation. Some of the voices that speak of a “crisis” were, until yesterday, part of the system that led the country to collapse. Therefore, it is not hard to understand that the use of this term is more of a political tool than an accurate description of reality. A real crisis would be the absence of an alternative, the blocking of institutions, the suppression of different opinions, or the denial of elections. None of that is happening. On the contrary, debate is lively and this shows that the democratic system is functioning. (To be continued on page 2)

IS THROWN INTO THE ABYSS ALL THAT EFFORT TOS DENY MORDHSUN?![?] The text on the banners and inscriptions in the photo is partly illegible.

“The odds are that they belong to”..., they are hiding the truth. Fatos Nano seeks to victimize himself and cover his criminal responsibility with political smoke. Efforts to present him as a political prisoner clash with the facts and with the decisions of justice. All the propaganda noise raised around him aims to exert pressure on public opinion and on state institutions. If the opposition thinks that with sensational declarations, rallies or media pressure it can overturn court decisions, it is gravely mistaken. Democracy does not work with ultimatums. The law is equal for everyone and no one can place himself above it. The case of Fatos Nano is proof that the rule of law is being consolidated. Anyone who has broken the law must answer for it. This is not political revenge, but the enforcement of the law. (To be continued on page 6)

The sobriety of the parliamentary debate, which is emerging in today's meeting of the Korçë Municipal Council, where the vote, the granting of the mandate to councillor Skënder Ruka, and the decision of the Central Election Commission to repeat the elections in area no. 1992 are being discussed, shows that we are dealing with a process with political consequences. The decision of the Central Election Commission to uphold the result of the elections of 23 June 1992, while at the same time requesting the repetition of the elections of 22 March 1992, creates an obvious contradiction. This act, pushed beyond legal deadlines and norms, raises serious questions about the intentions hidden behind it. The clash over the councillor's mandate and the selective interpretation of the law cannot serve to change the political will of the citizens of Korçë. The Korçë Council must respect legality and the election result, not become an instrument of narrow political calculations. (To be continued on page 2)

Yesterday, President of the Republic Sali Berisha sent the following telegram to the family of the martyr of public order, officer of the special rapid intervention unit, Lieutenant Colonel Zefi Zaza: To send you flowers would be too little in the face of the mourning that has befallen you; my pain, as an individual and as the institution I represent, feels this immense loss. As the son of a distinguished and steadfast family from Mat, and as a convinced anti-communist in the communist hell, as a talented officer with the best qualities of a high-ranking officer of the Albanian police and as a symbol of courage and hope for the calm and secure future of the country, Zefi Zaza will remain in our memory and in the memory of his colleagues, his family and the entire Albanian people. This brave fighter for democracy and order will rest in the grave of the martyrs of the nation. His name is engraved in our hearts and minds. Together with you and with Zef's children and his parents, brothers and sisters, I bow my head in respect before his memory and his deeds. Condolences, President of the Republic Sali Berisha.