-A man from the world of crime is presented as a fervent supporter of the rule of law -A bearer of corruption is presented as its most frenzied enemy -A deputy who represents not even himself The golden era of the government of stability filled not only Mr. Perikli Teta’s pockets, but also his mind with the idea that he had fought to get hold of, and never leave alive, the armchair of Minister of Defense. During the roughly six months he warmed that armchair, he earned enough for six centuries on Enver Hoxha’s socialist salary. So when he lost it, this personal matter seemed to him like the end of the world. Perikli was consumed by a volcano of anger and revenge against those who ended the life of the government of stability and his era of ministerial office. But at that time and for several months afterward, he had to hide his dissatisfaction, anger, and hatred for the DP, which had left him without his beloved and precious armchair, and wrecked his great dreams and plans. He had to remain attached like a leech to the body of the DP and democracy, hoping and wishing that he might regain his mandate as a deputy and the minister’s portfolio. Only the first came true. Thanks to the DP’s tolerance, President Berisha’s mandate was given to him as the deputy for Kavaja. But to this day his electorate does not know that it is represented in the People’s Assembly by Mr. Perikli Teta, because the deputy has not had time to go to this city to hear and address the many concerns of the people of Kavaja. His electorate also does not know that Mr. Teta has had plenty of time and a great desire to fly to several European capitals, near and far. Thus, for the people of Kavaja, Perikli Teta is an unknown, phantom deputy. Surely, for a long time they have felt insulted and ashamed that they are formally represented in Parliament by a man like Perikli Teta, one of the most prominent and shrill soloists in the anti-DP and anti-Berisha choir. The six months of his ministerial office and the period of his deputyship, his feverish activity in Parliament and in the opposition press against the DP, the President, and the Meksi Government, are full of highly revealing facts that unmask or expose Mr. Teta’s face and soul. With the mask of a pseudo-democrat and a makeover and cosmetic touch-up by experts, he managed to conceal old and new stains of crime and corruption, and even to advance his career. But the terror of having them exposed has made him lose his composure, balance, and reason, to the point that he often behaves hysterically. To create, if not a Teta cult, at least the false image that he is an angel, he leaves no platform without advertising himself as the man most committed to pure democracy and the rule of law, and as the greatest enemy of crime and corruption. But his calculations have failed, because the old tactic of “the thief shouts loudest, ‘stop the thief’” has long since been exposed. Mr. Teta’s criminality links him to old and new criminals, and this complex keeps him bound to, or controlled in, politics, and drives him to slander others. He attacks Zhullali because he trembles when he remembers that he has uncovered the traces of his misdeeds or sins from the time he was Minister of Defense in the government of stability, because Mr. Zhulali knows for whom Perikli Teta worked and still works “independently.” No matter how hard Mr. Teta tries, he cannot cover up his shady dealings in politics and trade, or the tracks he has left in the mire of crime and corruption. We invite him to take us to court, making use also of the press law, which we believe he knows well. But from accuser he will find himself accused, and then Albania will come to know Perikli Teta fully: as a pseudo-democrat, a politician of many flags, unworthy of the mandate he has been given and the place he occupies in Parliament, with a cup full of offenses that are morally and legally punishable. ... the supporters of the war in former Yugoslavia, particularly the sanctions regime and the situation in Kosovo; and the prospects, opportunities, and partnership for peace, since the peace process is dynamic and the best path to NATO membership. During the discussion we had today, it was emphasized Even to this day, he does not know that he because the deputy has not had time to come to this city to hear and share the many troubles of the people of Kavaja. His electorate To create, if not the an angel, he never misses a platform without self-promoting as the person most devoted to pure democracy, the rule of law, as the greatest enemy of “things” in international institutions. Dokle presented these as a sign of Europe’s concern over Nano’s release, while, when asked by the “RD” journalist whether there had only been discussions about the Nano issue or also protests, Dokle replied that “the journalist does not understand the concept of the Europeans’ reaction.” That may be so, but discussing a problem means exchanging views in order ultimately to reach a conclusion. Specifically, if the international institutions that discussed the “Nano issue” (according to Dokle) were convinced that human rights violations were involved, then they should have reacted in some way. Anyone can raise the issue for discussion—for example, the Greek representative—but everyone may oppose it, and that does not mean they are in Nano’s favor. The fact that the issue was discussed and no protest was made shows the opposite of what Dokle says. Dokle says that “protest” is not the European concept of reaction, but then why did he mention the protests by the “allied parties”? There you have it: when Europe wants to, it protests, but apparently it does not consider it appropriate to do so over the “Nano issue.”

-Her press conference held yesterday at the Palace of Congresses. Clinton, through his special envoy, invites Albania to partnership. $25 million in aid announced. Delivering U.S. President Bill Clinton’s message to Albania’s President Sali Berisha, explaining the results of the NATO meeting on the peace plan, was the purpose of his special envoy’s visit to Albania: the U.S. Permanent Representative to the UN, Ambassador Albright. The press conference she gave yesterday at 2 p.m. at the Palace of Congresses was her final activity in Albania. Here is what she told the journalists: I want to tell you how honored I am to be President Clinton’s special envoy. We had a number of constructive, friendly meetings with President Berisha and other members of the government. It is clear that Albania has embarked on the road of transition, from dictatorship toward the markets of the countries of the East. Much of its commitment to democracy is due to President Berisha, who has shown courage and vision. During the meeting, I briefed them on the results of the NATO Summit. Our delegation explained several of the Summit’s points in detail. The response was very supportive. The Albanian government understands and appreciates the fact that the Partnership for Peace was designed to avoid new divisions in Europe. Although it is not a guarantee, by joining the Partnership, each country begins to follow the most promising path toward NATO membership. My hopes for this region are that they will be determined by each country. I made a message very clear to President Clinton: security in this region is a direct, material interest for the United States. We also discussed the troubling issue and the situation in Kosovo, as well as the prospects and possibility of a wider war. I will say publicly that the United States appreciates the moderation Albania has shown, despite the extreme conditions faced by Albanians in Kosovo. Finally, I was pleased to tell President Berisha that the United States will move quickly to establish an American-Albanian fund. The government will start it with an amount of $25 million, in addition to another $5 million in technical assistance over the coming years. This kind of fund, which is playing a very important role in stimulating the private sector in other countries, will provide investment and technical support for private business here. The fund will focus on small and medium-sized enterprises. This initial investment will generate many more. I also highlighted a number of other initiatives President Clinton has approved to support democracy and reforms in this region. In conclusion, I thank President Berisha and the Albanian government for their hospitality and emphasize the warm relations between our countries, which go back in history to President Wilson. Let me conclude by saying that President Berisha and his government are better than any bunker. After her remarks, the journalists present asked questions. Does Albania belong in the “waiting room” for NATO membership, which, according to President Clinton, is the Partnership? Mrs. Albright answered: I want to tell you that what President Clinton said in Prague, in the message he authorized me to deliver in Tirana, is that Albania is being invited to the Partnership for Peace, because the peace process is dynamic and the best route to NATO membership. In the discussion we had today, President Berisha and the other members of the government emphasized the aspects of responsibility the Albanian government must assume. Every country invited to participate in the Partnership is obliged to meet these responsibilities. If the conflict spreads to Kosovo, what would the U.S. position be? The answer was: The United States has made it clear that any use of force inspired by the Serbs in Kosovo will receive a response. Asked what place Albania occupies in current and future American plans, Mrs. Albright gave a general answer: Albania’s position in relation to the United States is [unclear] as bilateral relations and the close ties that have been achieved develop. We will do everything possible to develop democratic institutions. The ATSH journalist asked: Before and after the NATO meeting, it became clear that the four Visegrad countries would be favored for NATO membership. Meanwhile, it has become clear that Albania is in a security vacuum zone and is currently the most threatened because of the conflicts in former Yugoslavia. Do you think priority should be given to Albania? The concise answer was: The purpose of my visit here is that NATO membership depends on each country, and one of the advantages of participating in the Partnership is that it will allow Albania to consult on security issues if its security is threatened. There is no automatic guarantee of security. Let me conclude by saying that the greatest security comes from developing democratic institutions and a market economy. SHPETIM LUKU

-Declares Frederik Andre, official at the EC Representation in Tirana- The President has received no protest concerning Nano from any prominent figure or any international institution. At the press conference PS held some time ago, a vague “it is being said” was floated ahead of several claims which, as it turns out, are false. First N. Dokle, who did not confirm it, and later a journalist said that it was being said that “President Berisha has received a protest letter from G-24, mainly concerning F. Nano’s release.” The conference also spoke of 34 million ECU in aid allocated to Albania by G-24, which had suddenly been blocked because of human-rights violations. Both of these “rumors” are simply fabricated lies, apparently the work of an old master of gossip. Given that G-24 consists primarily of EC countries, we decided to check these rumors directly at the headquarters of the EC Representation in Albania. “It is not true that a loan of 34 million ECU to Albania has been canceled. So far, everything that has been promised to Albania has been given to it.” This was stated to us by Frederik Andre, an official at the EC Representation in Tirana. He went on to explain: “A year ago, the EC allocated 35 million ECU to Albania for balance-of-payments support. I don’t know if that is what is meant, although it is the figure closest to 34 million, but it was given to Albania in July last year.” Asked about the issue of the “protest” concerning Nano, Mr. Frederik Andre said that G-24 is an economic grouping of various countries. The Presidency also confirmed in connection with the latter matter that the President had received no protest, either from individual personalities or from any international institutions. As can be seen, these latest rumors, too, seek to create the false impression that Europe is “very concerned” about Nano’s release. With the same aim, Dokle mentioned several real and imaginary cases at the press conference in which the Nano issue had supposedly become the subject of “extensive discussions” in international institutions.

The “Nano issue” was used by the PS, specifically by its Enverist wing, as a means of imposing iron discipline in the party, isolating its intellectual reformist wing, and ruthlessly controlling the Euro-socialists so they would not break away from Enverism, which guides the PS as an ideology and a political line; so they would not distance themselves from the party’s old and new corruption, which fatally binds it to its past; and so they would not create an opportunity for internal reform—a reform kept under the control of instructors from the “V.I. Lenin” school, who make up the PS’s ideological administration from the center to the grassroots. The signatures (as the PS press claimed) of 700,000 PS sympathizers and members, its children and elderly, amounted to an urgent appeal lifted from dusty Marxist-Leninist literature—“Workers of all countries, unite”—modernized by the PS as “Socialists, unite around Nano!” This was one of the PS’s most primitive acts, since it is still led by Enverism; once the Enverist faction that controls the PS today has taken over, it recognizes no form of leadership other than Enverism as theory and practice. The exhausting signature-gathering marathon among ordinary PS members was understood by the PS’s Enverist leaders as an expression of the party’s unity, as support for Nano and his adventure. In reality, however, the PS leadership has achieved in this way only a forced unity in its ranks, since the discontent accumulating there over the failed political line of “detarizmi,” in the name of making sacrifices for Nano, and especially the Enverism that dominates the PS leadership and its administration as an ideology, are making conditions inside the PS increasingly intolerable and ever more provocative for those aspiring to a left-wing political movement and the development of a European social-democratic vision. This forced unity was also evident in the statements of Mr. Pellumbi, deputy chairman of the PS, when he declared at the latest press conference that F. Nano would remain chairman of the PS. The idea that Nano will continue to ensure unity among the PS ranks, now so many-colored, is a bad dream and a failure to assess the situation within the party itself. Does Mr. Pellumbi, and the other philosophers of PS Enverism, understand how disappointed another ordinary person who signed for F. Nano’s release will be when they learn from the court’s decision that he is guilty? During these three years of pluralism, and despite the victories of democracy on 22 March 1992, the PS has shown that it remains a political force unliberated from Enverist nostalgia and nostalgia for Enverism. Its entire strategy has been to preserve Enverism as an ideology of action and mobilization, as well as a human constituency. Behind the PS’s ugly category of forced unity there has always stood Enver’s broken statue, Ramiz’s ruined image, and Fatos’s failed shadow. These three shadows are brought into the PS’s body and prevent it from breaking away from the old bed of Enverist relations. The Enverist caretakers of the PS administration at its headquarters keep watch day and night over the new Euro-socialist spirit that genuinely exists in the PS, but is in the minority on its executive committee. After all this internal movement, can the PS continue to maintain this forced unity? Certainly not. Democratic forces will always welcome the victory of the reformist wing within the PS and its liberation from Nano’s official Enverism, which represents the continual degradation of the left-wing movement in Albania.

A gathering was held on Thursday in one of the halls of the National Historical Museum to mark the 81st anniversary of the founding of the Albanian police. In his speech on the occasion, the Minister of Public Order, Agron Musaraj, highlighted the sacrifices and heroism of law-enforcement personnel in defending the law, free citizens, and their rights. “By commemorating 12 January 1913 as the actual date of the founding of the Albanian police, we are making a proper reassessment of the history of the law-enforcement forces,” Mr. Musaraj stressed. He then said that crime in 1993 had increased by 21.4 percent compared with the previous year, while the rate of detection had risen considerably. Seventy-eight percent of recorded crimes and 88 percent of the perpetrators of murders had been identified. On this occasion, medals awarded by President of the Republic Sali Berisha were presented to the families of law-enforcement officers who had died in the line of duty. Prime Minister Aleksander Meksi and Deputy Prime Minister Kopliku, among others, were also present. The inauguration of a photo exhibition depicting scenes from police life also took place.

It is reported that the Albanian Foreign Minister, Alfred Serreqi, will make an official visit to Greece on 14 February at the invitation of his Greek counterpart, Karolos Papulias. Greece, which has held the presidency of the European Union since 1 January, wishes “to expand and strengthen the Union’s ties with Albania,” according to a source. ATSH

The Youth Forum of the DPSh congratulates all those who have been decorated, especially its members, for the high recognition with the Medal of Bravery, in recognition of their well-deserved contribution to democratic progress in Albania. PRESIDENCY OF THE FRPDSH

The chairpersons and secretaries of the PDSH branches are hereby informed that on Monday, 17 January 1994, at 11:00, the National Active of the PDSH will hold its proceedings at the PDSH headquarters. PDSH Press and Information Department

Asim Vokshi Street, No. 49, Tirana, Tel. No. 2609, Account No. 721/110. Editor-in-chief Bashkim Trenova, Collegium Secretary Xhevat Mustafa

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