-The extremist left-wing leadership—the gravedigger of the SP and of the alternative it claims to represent- Not being the product of a natural birth, but a contrivance of Ramiz Alia’s failed imagination, the SP is fatally doomed to have no future, to age and shrink quickly, to discredit and destroy itself. This process is proceeding at a faster pace and on a greater scale than was anticipated. A complex of factors is pushing the SP inexorably toward self-destruction. On the day it was cobbled together, the only new element was its name. It inherited everything else—the contingent of leaders and members, the organizational platform, the propaganda apparatus, financial and material resources, mentality and practices—from the PKA or Enver Hoxha’s PP. Unfortunately for it, it also inherited the complex of legends and vices, the intractable viruses of crime and corruption. For all these reasons, it is impossible for the SP to distance itself sincerely and completely from Enverism and the Enverist experience, from the PKA or PP, and present and conduct itself as a thoroughly and genuinely new, Euro-socialist party. From the very day it was cobbled together, the SP was doomed to have no future and to slide toward the abyss of self-destruction also because its overwhelming leadership contingent consists of old and new Enverists, who also seized control through Fatos Nano, Namik Dokle, Servet Pellumbi, Gramoz Ruçi, Luan... The evident and telling signs of this danger are the “Nano affair.” The trial is laying bare not only his corruption but also his character. As during the roughly one year when his responsibility for abuses involving Italian aid became public and the target of an entire campaign, at trial he and his closest followers or collaborators have tried, and are still trying, to rally the entire SP to his defense by portraying this ordinary criminal trial as a political trial, Nano as the symbol—or the very embodiment—of the SP, and his downfall as its downfall. The standard-bearer in this campaign to create a cult of Nano and defend his corruption, and, inevitably, his activity as the gravedigger of the SP, has been and remains “ZP,” whose editor-in-chief, as in 1991, is in fact Namik Dokle. As far as one can tell, “General” Dokle, who has “won” many historic battles in the pages of “ZP,” has taken it upon himself to lead directly the final battle to have the very guilty Nano declared innocent. If he managed to portray the devil E. Hoxha as an angel, why should he not turn the sinner and corrupt Nano into a victim and martyr as well? “General” Gramoz Ruçi has taken on the historic mission of mobilizing and rousing the Sigurimi army to bring about a new 2 April, even larger and bloodier. The issue that is supposed to serve this danger is his corruption but also his character. More bloodily. So Fatos Nano is not alone. He has close companions bound by loyalty and ideals, and by political and financial business. They were at his side in 1991, when he signed and stamped things with the authority of the prime minister; they are also with him in the courtroom, where he was obliged to speak as a defendant. In his confrontation with justice, he is playing the role of a spectator when he was an actor, a nobody when he was everybody and signed as an all-powerful man. If the SP does not urgently distance itself from its extremist left-wing leadership, from Fatos Nano and his associates, this will be more serious than any revenge he may exact on us for condemning him over the abuses and improper aims of Levante Co. He compelled his subordinates to draft notes which, besides calling for the extension and transfer of the aid to continue being handled by Levante Co., praised that company in glowing terms, even though various specialists had expressed reservations about it. Why did Nano do this? If, according to “ZP,” Levante Co. had already been selected by others, why was there a need for Nano’s subordinates to draft the aforementioned note on his orders? Indeed, as S. Plaka’s testimony shows, this note absolutely had to include superlatives about Levante Co. (as Fatos had instructed). The justification offered both by ambassador Kardilli and by Nano for this issue...

On Wednesday afternoon, President of the Republic Sali Berisha received the President of the North Atlantic Assembly, Mr. Lois Bouvard, and the Secretary of this Pact, Mr. Peter Cortier. First of all, I want to express my deep gratitude to you for your contribution to Albania’s accession as an associate member of the North Atlantic Assembly through an expedited procedure, President Berisha said. I am also pleased that your visit has come after Albania has clearly and definitively demonstrated its Western affiliation. And if, during the days of the ultimatum, Albania decided to offer the Alliance its ports and airports, we did so first and foremost to honor our Western roots, as well as to defend those great values and principles that the North Atlantic Alliance had decided to defend in Bosnia. We also gladly signed the Partnership for Peace because we considered it an active and dynamic process leading to Albania’s full and worthy membership in this Pact. “We welcome the progress being made in resolving the highly complicated Bosnian issue,” President Berisha continued, “but we are concerned to note that this easing in the North is accompanied by a shift and an increase in tension toward the South. There is an undeniable escalation of violence and terror in Kosovo today. In response to the defeats he suffered in the North, Milosheviçi is closing one after another the last legal institutions remaining in Kosovo, as happened in recent days with the closure of the Albanological Institute and the mistreatment of the Albanian scholars at that institution. This is being done in full accordance with the memorandum of the Serbian Academy, which envisages the extermination and ethnic cleansing of non-Slavic peoples in the lands incorporated into Greater Serbia. We welcome and support the contribution of the European Union, the USA and Russia to resolving the Balkan crisis, but we call for determination so that the presence of no one can serve to encourage the Serbs, who are the only aggressors, or to serve their specific imperialist aims. This would have extremely serious consequences for stability in the region and beyond.” “I am happy to come to Albania,” Mr. Bouvard said, “and I am fully enthusiastic about Albania’s acceptance as an associate member through an expedited procedure, since it has proved itself worthy of this membership. We value the achievements in the profound and difficult reform you have undertaken in the army. We consider Albania a country that belongs to Western Europe and a country that works for stability in the region. We are determined to contribute to strengthening it, because in doing so we contribute to stability in the region. In this context, we will consider every possibility for its full membership in the North Atlantic Alliance.”

From the Selami-Bouvard meeting At the meeting with Eduard Selami, Chairman of the Foreign Policy Commission of the People’s Assembly, Bouvard, President of the North Atlantic Assembly, declared that Albania would enter NATO as a full member. “You do not need to say ‘your Alliance,’ because it is our Alliance,” he added. “You live in a very dangerous area, so by supporting Albania, we support peace and stability in the region.” Mr. Selami described President Bouvard’s contribution to helping Albania in its relations with the North Atlantic Assembly and NATO as important. “Albania’s admission as an associate member of the North Atlantic Assembly, with every procedure shortened, was a political message of support for Albania, its democratic processes, and peace and stability in the region; therefore, we are trying to live up to your trust,” Eduard Selami went on to say. Speaking about recent developments and Albania’s fully supportive stance toward the Alliance, Mr. Selami said that Albania had historically been pro-European, and that recent facts also demonstrate this.

-The Academy’s activities will continue to be public- “The Serbian occupying power in Kosovo and over Kosovo, continuing its occupation of the buildings of Albanian cultural, educational and scientific institutions, or institutions with an Albanian majority, has marked this infamous campaign—as is well known—with the occupation of the building of the Academy of Sciences and Arts of Kosovo. The statement continues: “In recent days, the building of the Albanological Institute, too, found itself threatened by irrational, insatiable plunder in violation of the Albanian people’s institutional cultural existence in Kosovo, an act that the Academy of Sciences and Arts of Kosovo condemns with its entire being before world public opinion. The forcible seizure of the building and its equipment is, for the Academy, a painful and grievous act as well... (Continued on page 4) PRESS AND INFORMATION OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT Tirana, 10.3.1994

AN OBSERVATION ON THE FIRST DAYS OF THE TRIAL ON THE NANO CASE FILE -Nano was one of the succession of PP prime ministers, and the fact that he continued his predecessors’ violations does not absolve him; it makes him twice as guilty, since he knew about the violations.- -Why were Nano’s reconfirmation and the superlatives about Levante Co necessary when it had been appointed by his PP predecessors?- -According to Lev. Co’s fax, the note requesting that Lev. Co be the aid supplier was drafted on Nano’s orders; and, according to Lev. Co’s fax, the structure of the goods was changed on Nano’s orders.- -The “merchants” were ordered by Nano to sign for receipt of the goods without seeing them, while the “diplomats,” also on Nano’s orders, sent the quantities and types of goods.- -“ZP” opens a “secret file” but only adds another bluff to its string of bluffs.- Today the curtain will rise again on the Nano trial and case file. Paradoxically, the first three days, with the explanations, depositions and answers of the defendants, revealed the first part of the case. I say paradoxically because normally, in their explanations, defendants try to cover up the crime, whereas in this matter and this case the proceedings proved Nano’s crime most clearly. What has been proven so far? It has been proven that F. Nano insisted on designating Levante Co as the company that should deliver the aid. “ZP” (which seems to have read our comments) appears to have opened a “secret file” to protect the chairman, but this only adds another bluff to its string of bluffs and confirms that Nano has no evidence in his favor. With “documents,” they are trying to show that Levante Co had come to Albania before Nano became prime minister. But first, they forget that Nano was at that time serving as secretary-general in the prime minister’s office, and later, continuing in that post, became prime minister as a trusted man of Alia and especially of N. Hoxha. Nevertheless, Nano is not accused of being the first to bring Levante Co into Albania, and on this point “ZP” is spreading disinformation. Nano’s violation is more serious because, knowing about Levante Co’s violations and abusive intentions, he compelled his subordinates to draft notes which, besides requesting that the delivery of aid continue to be carried out by Levante Co, described this to “ZP,” Levante Co had already been appointed by others, why was it necessary for Nano’s subordinates, on his instructions, to prepare the above-mentioned note? Indeed, as is clear from S. Plaka’s testimony, this note had to contain glowing praise for Levante Co (according to Fatos’s instructions). The justification offered by both Ambassador Kardilli and Nano for this matter was that the quantities and types of goods had been changed before Nano became prime minister. However, according to Levante Co’s fax, the note requesting that Levante Co be appointed as the aid supplier was drawn up on Nano’s orders, and the structure of the goods was changed on Nano’s orders. The “merchants” were ordered by Nano to sign for receipt of the goods without even seeing them, while the “diplomats,” also on Nano’s orders, sent the quantities and types of goods. - 2 - Intervene better and more quickly than the other Italian companies. Confident that our request will be welcomed, I take this opportunity to express our highest consideration. Secret Plake [partially handwritten and illegible text] READ TOMORROW ABOUT THE ‘DIF CASE,’ THE WORK OF NANO’S GOVERNMENT. ANOTHER 40 MILLION DOLLARS

Not just to find out -From Fatos Nano’s words in court- The defendant stands up and adjusts his glasses: “Mr. Chairman! This is a political trial precisely because it has been gravely prejudged by public and political positions, statements and actions... In keeping with my declared principled position never to become an accomplice, for any reason, to lawlessness and crime, whether clothed in power and armed, as is being revealed in the ‘Nano’ case, I am obliged... from this moment on, for my lawyers and me to sever all relations with the court you preside over. Therefore, Mr. Chairman, so that I may not be held up as a moralist, I ask you from this moment to recognize our legal right for neither me nor my lawyers to be present, even as eyewitnesses, at this fabricated and failed trial...” When he finishes, he sits down, not concealing the solemnity and pride the moment gives him. -Defendant—interjects the presiding judge. Give us an explanation of your connection with the company Levante Co. -I already said it once—Fatos replied. (Continued on page 4)

The President of the Republic, Mr. Sali Berisha, sent a condolence telegram to the President of Greece, Mr. Konstantin Karamanlis. Dear Mr. President, On the occasion of the death of the great artist and distinguished politician Melina Merkuri, I extend my deepest condolences to you, her family, and the entire Greek people. The world of art has lost one of the most distinguished figures of the stage, while the world of politics... Melina Merkuri’s contribution to art and the struggle against dictatorship, her ties of blood, and the noble feelings she held for Albania make her memory unforgettable to the entire Albanian people. PRESS AND INFORMATION OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT Tirana, 10.3.1994