(President Berisha also conveys his greetings at the headquarters of the Muslim Community) The days of the Great Bajram, an important celebration for Muslim believers that comes immediately after the end of the fast during the month of Ramadan, were joyfully celebrated throughout the country. In this third year of democracy, the magnificent gatherings of Muslims in all the mosques, in cities and villages, solemnly confirmed once again that people are brothers and sisters to one another, regardless of borders, religious or political affiliation, skin color, languages spoken, each person’s economic circumstances, and so on. With the breath of spiritual freedom, they celebrated the joy of life’s achievements. They gave thanks to God and worshipped Him for the blessing He has bestowed upon them, for the goodness He has granted them, and for the respect, restraint, love, and brotherhood He has given them. They heard the divine call to turn away from evil, from brutality and aggression toward one another, at both the individual and state levels; the call to work and to do good, and to follow the path of knowledge and sound morality. In Tirana, on the Namazgja field, the traditional site for Bajram prayers, thousands had gathered before dawn. After the Bajram prayer ceremony, His Eminence, Haxhi Hafiz Sabri Koçi, delivered the prayer for the occasion. During the morning, President of the Republic Prof. Dr. Sali Berisha, Speaker of the Presidium of the People’s Assembly Mr. Pjeter Arbnori, Prime Minister Mr. Aleksander Meksi, ministers, members of parliament, heads of religious communities, and representatives of political parties, organizations, and various associations paid congratulatory visits to the headquarters of the Albanian Muslim Community. Representatives of the diplomatic corps, among others, also conveyed their greetings on this occasion. T. LLAGAMI

IT WAS CARRIED OUT ON THE ORDERS OF MR. NANO, GIVEN IN THE FAX THAT PERNIOLA SENT TO ARBEN ALI, IN WHICH HE REQUESTED THAT THE FOODSTUFFS BE TAKEN ACCORDING TO LIST NO. 2. ROBERT GJINI AND LUTFI ALIA WERE INSTRUCTED TO DO THIS, IN VIOLATION OF ALL LEGAL PROVISIONS. LIPE ALSO STATES THAT CARGOES ARRIVED WITH PRICES 2–3 TIMES HIGHER THAN THOSE ON THE INTERNATIONAL MARKET. THE DEPUTY PORT DIRECTOR AND THE HEAD OF FINANCE CONFIRM THAT THE PORT OF DURRES PAID FOR THE HANDLING OF THE ITALIAN SHIPS AND THE SHIP GJIROKASTRA, AND THAT THE ITALIAN COMPANY LEVANTE CO, FOR THE TWO ITALIAN SHIPS, AND THE EMBASSY, FOR THE SHIP GJIROKASTRA, PAID NOTHING. AS A RESULT, OUR MERCHANT FLEET AND PORT SUFFERED MAJOR ECONOMIC LOSSES. ALBKONTROLL EMPLOYEES TESTIFY THAT THEY WERE ASKED TO CARRY OUT QUANTITATIVE ANALYSES, NOT QUALITATIVE ONES, OF THE GOODS IN DURRES. ALEKSANDRA ÇOLLAKU RECONFIRMS ALL OF SHANE KORBECI’S TESTIMONY REGARDING THE UNLAWFUL EXCLUSION OF THE COMPETENT OFFICIAL INSTITUTIONS FROM THE AID PROCEDURE.

“The Nano File” in court

-Why does he want it, and how is he carrying out the destruction of the PS?

-“The Citizens’ Commission was merely a formality,” one of its members testifies. “We did what they told us.” -The commission’s chairman received the fax from Levante Co with the list of goods and Nano’s order at the top to act urgently. -Goods arrived without invoices or accompanying documents and were unloaded by order. -Another testimony on how the Ministry of Trade was sidelined With every passing hearing, each day of the trial over the aid scandal is confirming the crime committed against an entire people by certain inhuman beings, who also abused the humanitarianism and generosity of the Italian government and people. The line of witnesses questioned as the previous day’s hearing continued would shed light on how the goods arrived and were unloaded, and on the violations and orders that led to those violations. Thus, the testimony and the questions posed by the prosecution and the defendants to the witnesses established that goods arriving without documents showing their origin were unloaded under written records and taken into custody according to lists sent by fax by Levante Co, accompanied by notes and orders from Nano. It was established that the Citizens’ Commission, through which Nano had until now sought to justify himself, was merely a formality and acted under the orders of the latter. After a number of witnesses, such as Galip Tola, former branch head of Albkoop, who repeatedly used the expressions “I don’t remember” or “I don’t know,” numerous other testimonies would reveal and confirm the above. Thus, witness Nimet Angoni, a member of the Citizens’ Commission, said that for a long time the commission had been nothing more than a formal body that did what it was told “from above.” Angoni also spoke about the distribution and collection, and then about their purposes, rates, and shared structure. In any case, Angoni’s most important testimony concerned the merely formal role of the Citizens’ Commission. Until now, one of the arguments Nano had used to prove that he was also uninvolved in the aid scandal was precisely the existence of the Citizens’ Commission, which, according to Nano, had played a primary role. Yet witness Angoni says that the Commission was merely formal and did what others told it to do. But who were the others? Former commission chairman Aleko Lipe clarified this in his testimony. After explaining the criteria and method for distributing aid, Lipe said that they had discussed the composition of the goods with representatives of Levante Co, but, like everyone else who had raised that issue, he achieved nothing. Why? Because the “game” was being played higher up, where the orders came from. Aleko Lipe testified that he had received a fax with the list of goods to be supplied by Levante Co, and that this list again bore notes from former Prime Minister Nano, ordering that action be taken quickly. Nano had also written a note there concerning R. Gjini, who was to take custody of the goods. Meanwhile, according to the testimony of Lili Liko, a former member of the Citizens’ Commission, the ferry Palladio had arrived without the original documents, and the goods had been entered in the relevant records. As is clear, the goods were entered in the records, while the Citizens’ Commission, on Nano’s orders, was supposed to act on the basis of the lists sent by Levante Co. Why? Why had Nano extended his reach even to the Citizens’ Commission? It is now clear why that commission was created. Since people with relevant concerns had raised problems regarding the aid, Nano thought he could emerge unscathed by putting the Citizens’ Commission in the foreground. Witness Aleksanda Çollaku, a former employee of the Ministry of Foreign Trade, testified, reopening once again the issue of how the Ministry of Trade was excluded from the movement of aid. The continuation of the testimony hearing did not bring many new developments to the trial. The vast majority of witnesses confirmed what had been established so far in the proceedings: widespread violations of legal procedures in taking custody of the goods and distributing them. Other witnesses confirmed that, in the roles they held in the former administration, they had repeatedly expressed concerns about the prices and composition of the goods. Specifically, witness Valentin Prifti, a former employee of the Food Directorate of the Ministry of Trade, after describing how aid was distributed according to the population’s needs, emphasized that many necessary goods were missing from the second batch of aid. He confirmed that the receipt and distribution of the goods were carried out solely on the basis of a distribution plan, according to quantities communicated verbally. Meanwhile, witness Ilia Nushe, former head of the food division of the Durres Trade Department, stated that they had distributed goods (1,000 tons of rice) solely on the basis of a letter from the Citizens’ Commission ordering them to do so. As is now apparent from earlier testimony, the Citizens’ Commission itself had received an order from former Prime Minister Nano to that effect. I. Nushi, like many other witnesses, would also confirm that the processing of goods on the basis of orders coming from above had been carried out without the proper documentation. These facts would also be confirmed by Muharrem Dyrmishi, an employee at Treg Shumim Durres; Hasan Tropilni, former warehouse section manager; and Ilia Kondakçiu, former head of the technical branch at unit 101/K Durres. In addition to the above (that is, the lack of proper documentation), witness Kondakçiu also explained the moment when unit 101/K received an order assigning it to process the goods from the ferry Palladio. Later, also by order, they were removed from the port when the ship Gjrokastra arrived (it remained in port for two days before unloading began), and they were again ordered to return to handle that ship’s goods as well. The employees of this unit maintained their protest… (Continued on page 4)

-Why does he want it, and how is he carrying out the destruction of the PS? -“The Nano issue”—a “casus belli” for carrying out this mission PS? -“The Nano issue”—a “casus belli” for carrying out this mission The rapid rise of Namik Dokle to the top of the PS pyramid remains an unsolved mystery even now. It is also one of the oddities that fill the 53-year history of Enver Hoxha’s party. Since Ritat, Palet, Muhot, Hekuranet, Lenk at and others enjoyed the status of leaders of this party for many years, we should not be too surprised that Namik Dokle took their place. After all, to give him his due, in terms of cultural level, oratory, and the ability to deliver fiery demagoguery and speak without notes, he stands far above them. His roughly 20-year career in journalism helped make him known and promote him as more intelligent, more capable, and more intellectual than his ridiculous predecessors. Nevertheless, he was no “star” either as a journalist, as an official in the Trade Unions, or as a party member. So how did he win R. Alia’s favor and confidence so thoroughly that he entrusted him with the job of editor-in-chief of “ZP”? The surprise at this choice, or adventure, becomes even more evident when we consider when it was made. After a short time, the liberal editors-in-chief who had allowed a few heretical articles were “burned.” A strong hand was needed to rein in not only the team of journalists at “ZP,” but also to crown the battle against the opposition press with victory. And, according to Ramiz Alia, the person with these qualities was none other than Namik Dokle. Many were astonished and shocked at first, but soon fell silent and became convinced that Alia had not made a mistake. Namik Dokle justified the confidence placed in him by Alia and the party through his consistency and fanatical loyalty, adventurism, and anti-nationalism toward the name, work, and ideals of Enver Hoxha, and through his aggression, bordering on hysteria, toward pluralism and the PD. Today, Namik Dokle presents himself at home and abroad as a champion of democracy, but from 1990 through 1991 and for some time afterward, he was the socialist leader who sat more than anyone else in “ZP,” at rallies, and in parliament defending the name, work, and busts of E. Hoxha. Perhaps R. Alia chose him not only for these “achievements.” He may have dug deep into the roots of his family tree… (Continued on page 2) Why is Namik praying? For Fatos to be released from prison, or from the chairman’s armchair?

Lenin once said, “Give me a newspaper and I will take power.” Lenin’s idea appealed so much to some former ministers and some candidates for [unclear: “karnike”] that seven or eight of them decided to join together, start a newspaper, and take power, because Lenin, to them, was infallible. And so PAD and a newspaper, “Aleanca,” were born. And so the months went by, but even though they have a newspaper, power is still nowhere to be seen. Indeed, word has it that two-thirds of PAD have begun to doubt Lenin’s reading, but one-third still insist that Lenin was infallible. Nevertheless, it must be said that, in PAD’s case, Lenin is not to blame. He really did say, “Give me a newspaper and I will take power,” but at the same time he implied that, to do so, all the other newspapers had to be brought together. How is it Lenin’s fault that the PAD members are naive readers?! And all the more so when there is at least one other newspaper in Albania that makes the same claim: “Koha jone.” L.STANI

Why is Namik praying? For Fatos to be released from prison, or from the chairman’s armchair?

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