ÇARÇANI CONFIRMS THAT HE HAD NO KNOWLEDGE AND WAS NEVER INFORMED BY NANO-ALIA, ETC., ABOUT THE FIRM LEVANTE CO, AND THAT HE KNOWS NOTHING ABOUT THE 14.2.1991 FAX IN WHICH NANO ORDERS PLAKA TO APPOINT LEVANTE CO TO DISTRIBUTE THE AID. ÇARÇANI CONFIRMS THAT HE HAD NO KNOWLEDGE AND WAS NEVER INFORMED BY NANO-ALIA, ETC., ABOUT THE FIRM LEVANTE CO, AND THAT HE KNOWS NOTHING ABOUT THE FACT OF 14.2.1991, IN WHICH NANO ORDERS PLAKA to appoint LEVANTE CO to distribute the aid. QEMAL DISHA TESTIFIES THAT HE HAD OPPOSED HAJDIN SEJDIA’S FISCAL FAVORS, AND THAT THE COUNCIL OF MINISTERS, WITH NANO AT ITS HEAD, HAD ATTACKED HIM at a meeting over his position toward SEJDIA. FORMER MINISTER DISHA TESTIFIES TO NANO’S FORGERY, PRESENTING DECISION NO. 121, DATED 28.3.1991, AS A DECISION OF THE COUNCIL OF MINISTERS, THROUGH WHICH SEJDIA WAS EXEMPTED FROM TAXES, AT A TIME WHEN THIS DECISION WAS ONLY NANO’S AND HIS FRIENDS’, AND NOT THAT OF THE COUNCIL OF MINISTERS. WITNESS LUARASI TESTIFIES THAT NANO AND ÇANI HAD HARSHLY ATTACKED DISHA over the obstacles that the latter supposedly put in HAJDIN SEJDIA’S way regarding taxes, etc. OTHER DECEPTIONS BY NANO COME TO LIGHT. ON 25–27 APRIL 1991, NANO SENT ALEKS LUARASI TO ITALY AT THE HEAD OF A GOVERNMENT DELEGATION. BUT HE HAD BEEN AUTHORIZED BY THE PRIME MINISTER TO DEAL WITH THE ISSUE OF REFUGEES, NOT THAT OF AID. AFTER THE QUESTIONING OF THE 51st WITNESS, WHEN THEY SAW THAT THEIR SHIP HAD FINALLY SUNK under the light of truth, unscrupulously, urged on by their client, NANO’S LAWYERS ARE ASKING FOR THE QUESTIONING TO START AGAIN FROM THE BEGINNING.

The questioning phase of the 51 witnesses has ended

A.Çarçani: We made representations to Prosecutor A.Qeleshi asks: Whom did you speak with?

The questioning phase of the 51 witnesses has ended - A forger faces the risk of criminal prosecution- - 3 witnesses confirm the same thing: Nano did not benefit from Disha’s opposition- - Çarçani gives the young people an example of his memory- - Arrest warrants for Lutfi Aline, Pajtim Ajazi- - Ali Meta, a strange lawyer. He has Plaka as a client and defends Nano! ...from me, and Hajdin Sejdia. The team included the director of the foreign-currency directorate and an economist from that directorate. I did not agree with the document signed in Durres, since at that time financial preferences were permitted only for joint ventures and Albanian private entities. Iliria Holding was a foreign company, so there were no legal provisions for granting it preferential treatment. At a meeting of the Council of Ministers, someone raised the issue that Iliria Holding was being obstructed in its activities. The Prime Minister at the time said to me: “I know who you’re dealing with at the port of Bari: Hajdin Sejdia has 10 million dollars’ worth of goods that he wants to bring to Albania. Why are you obstructing this firm?” Fatos Nano, then Prime Minister, asked me, former Prime Minister Disha admitted. And my answer was a repetition of the same arguments: the lack of legal provisions and the fact that I did not know this firm. Thus Qemal Disha exposed former Prime Minister Nano’s pressure, intended to clear the way for the mafioso Hajdin Sejdia. What was the response to this service? “I experienced a lack of knowledge on my part in the Government”—that was this witness’s reply to the prosecutor’s question on the matter. “Were you asked for the inspection team?” was another question from prosecutor Gjukutaj, to which he received the answer: “I think former Minister of Internal Trade Pajtim Ajazi called me.” “How was the decision justified?” prosecutor Gjukutaj continued. “The empty market, the 10 million [dollars’ worth] of goods at the port of Bari”—these were the arguments for making this decision, Disha replied. Meanwhile, the former secretary-general of the Council of Ministers in the Nano Government, (Continued on page 4) Another 11 witnesses were questioned at yesterday’s trial. If the twenty witnesses are to be characterized, they fall into two groups: the first group, who testified and shed light on the firm Iliria Holding, and the second group, comprising witnesses who clarified the practical side of the dealings in goods, such as their inspection, etc. But what exactly did they say? Former chief editor of Albkontroll, Roland Xaxa, opened yesterday’s court session. He spoke about Albkontroll’s role in relation to Italian firms. “From the first observation, we were interested in the Italian entities for the loss itself, as we carried out the inspection before the process,” he said. “And the Albanian side had not been appointed,” he said. Speaking about the inspection results, witness Xaxa, despite the prosecutor’s questioning, the presiding judge, and the lawyer, the dishonest Robert Gjini, turned out to be a forger; in the testimony sent to the inspection managers responsible (SGS) in Italy, no shortage was recorded. This was at a time when other witnesses who had actually carried out the inspection had pointed out shortages such as 145 sacks of rice, etc. Faced with such a fact, the dilemma—had he done it on his own or on orders?—was natural, and the presiding judge, Agim Bendo, suggested that the prosecutors verify the matter. Meanwhile, witness Qemal Disha, in his testimony, highlighted the fact that an agreement had been drawn up to favor Hajdin Sejdia in relation to the rents of premises and agreements. “This agreement,” Disha said, “had been drawn up when a team from the Ministry of Finance was sent to Durres...” Photo: A. Babani

A.Çarçani: We made representations to the Italian government for aid; although the situation was difficult and food reserves were scarce, we therefore asked the Italian government for aid, and the Italian government offered assistance, which made things even more difficult. I did not follow how this aid was subsequently distributed or where it was distributed, because from 21 February onward I was relieved of my duties as prime minister at that time. I have nothing more to say on this matter. the Italian government for aid; although the situation was difficult and food reserves were scarce, we therefore asked the Italian government for aid, and the Italian government offered assistance, which made things even more difficult. I did not follow how this aid was subsequently distributed or where it was distributed, because from 21 February onward I was relieved of my duties as prime minister at that time. I have nothing more to say on this matter. Prosecutor A.Qeleshi continues with the questions: How did you learn about Iliria Holding and its representative H.Sejdia? A.Çarçani: Iliria Holding was introduced at the Committee for Economic Relations, which then existed within the Prime Minister’s Office, the Committee for Cultural Cooperation, whose chairman was Jorgo Melica. He introduced it to the committee chairman, who was Farudin Hoxha. A.Bendo asks: How did he introduce it? A.Çarçani: He said it was a capable, powerful trader who wanted to make investments. Prosecutor A.Qeleshi asks: Whom did you speak to about him? A.Çarçani: I did not meet Jorgo Melica; I spoke with Farudin Hoxha. A.Bendo asks: What did he tell you? A.Çarçani: It is a serious, powerful firm from Kosovo that wants to invest, and at that time we were interested in investments. A.Bendo: How had Farudin himself learned that it was a powerful firm? A.Çarçani: Through that Committee for Foreign Relations. A.Bendo: Did he mention any names? A.Çarçani: No. A.Qeleshi asks: Was any draft agreement concluded between Iliria Holding and the Albanian government ever presented to you as prime minister? A.Çarçani: Yes. A.Bendo asks: By whom? A.Çarçani: The Committee for Economic Relations with the Outside World. A.Qeleshi asks: Did you, as prime minister, meet H.Sejdia and, if so, what did you discuss? A.Çarçani: Yes, I received him at the Prime Minister’s Office and we discussed establishing relations and doing trade with Albania. A.Qeleshi asks: The witness issued two authorizations, one dated 14.10.1990 with protocol number 2138 and the other dated 15.11.1990 with no protocol number. Under what circumstances, at whose request, and how were these authorizations signed; what was their content, and in what language were they drawn up? (These authorizations recognize H.Sejdia as an adviser to the Albanian government.) A.Çarçani: Yes, I issued such an authorization, authorizing him for countries such as Saudi Arabia and several others with which we had no diplomatic relations. He was presented as a man with extensive knowledge who could reach many agreements with traders who would come to Albania to invest. A.Qeleshi asks: Who asked you for it—what was the person’s name? (Continued on page 4)

Witness Qemal Disha: In January–February, I was asked to appoint a working group to work in Durres on concluding the contract with Hajdin Sejdia for the shops behind the National Museum. I sent three people to Durres, and the working group there signed a document agreeing that Hajdin Sejdia should receive financial preferences regarding the rents for the premises, as well as sales and taxes. This working group worked together with employees of the Ministry of Internal Trade to determine and establish an agreement and conclude a contract for the retail units behind the National Museum. The Ministry of Finance was asked to set the rents for the premises. The working group there decided—or, rather, signed a document agreeing to fiscal and financial preferences concerning rents and taxes. The working group informed me from Durres, and I was absolutely not in agreement with them that fiscal preferences should be granted. The reason was that, at the time, under the legislation in force, the Ministry of Finance imposed taxes and duties on Albanian natural persons and joint ventures, whereas Iliria Holding had foreign owners; for this reason, the agreement did not enter into force. Later, for the same reason, a meeting was held at the Presidium of the Council of Ministers, where the Ministry of Finance was accused of obstructing the economic activity of the company Iliria Holding. Fatos Nano held me personally responsible for this obstruction, because Nano personally told me that Iliria Holding had goods worth 10 million dollars at the port of Bari, destined for Albania, and that I was becoming an obstacle to bringing them in. I told him that I had no legal provision authorizing such an action. I insisted that Iliria Holding should not receive the fiscal preferences approved by the working group. G. Gjokutaj: What was decided at the Council of Ministers meeting? Qemal Disha: It was decided that Iliria Holding should be granted financial concessions. G. Gjokutaj: Did you inform the Government of the fact that you, as Minister of Finance, knew nothing about Iliria Holding? Qemal Disha: Yes, I informed the Government, because it was a fact that I did not know the company, and therefore I did not grant it preferences. G. Gjokutaj: Who personally asked you to set up the working group, which consisted of three specialists? Qemal Disha: Pajtim Ajazi, by telephone. G. Gjokutaj: What types of companies were taxed under the legislation in force? Qemal Disha: Albanian natural persons and joint ventures. G. Gjokutaj: Why was Iliria Holding not a joint venture? Qemal Disha: There was no government decision legalizing such an arrangement. G. Gjokutaj: Did you explain the legislation concerning this issue to the specialists in the working group? Qemal Disha: Being a specialist does not in itself mean knowing the legislation on this issue; that is, it does not mean they knew the relevant legislation. But I do not know under what circumstances they agreed to sign that contract. G. Gjokutaj: Did you inform the Government of this fact? Qemal Disha: Of course I did. G. Gjokutaj: How was it justified? Qemal Disha: It was justified on the grounds that the market was empty, goods were needed, it was an emergency, and H. Sejdia had made a great deal of noise. G. Gjokutaj: Who adopted decision No. 1217 dated 8.3.1991? Qemal Disha: The Presidium of the Council of Ministers.

AND YET THE FACTS AND DOCUMENTS PLACE THE BLAME