Tirana, 17 March 1994 At the invitation of the World Democratic Union, the Chairman of the Albanian Democratic Party, Mr. Ed(u)ard Selami, took part in the meeting organized by this Union in Washington from 12–15 March 1994. During this three-day meeting, Mr. Selami also held talks with representatives of parties from all continents, exchanging views on the political processes currently facing former communist countries, the organization and functioning of political parties in an open, pluralist society, and issues relating to the organization and preparation of election campaigns. During his stay in Washington, Mr. Selami, together with Albania’s Ambassador to the USA, Mr. Lublin Dilja, held high-level meetings in the US Congress, the White House, the Department of State, and the Department of Defense. In Congress, they met with the Chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Mr. Lee Hamilton, and members of Congress Bereuter, Rose de Mc Closkey; he also attended a meeting of the Foreign Affairs Committee, at a session where economic aid for Eastern European countries and the situation in former Yugoslavia were discussed. Continuing the meetings, at the Department of State and the Department of Defense, Mr. Selami and Ambassador Dilja met with Mr. Oxman, Assistant Secretary of State for Europe and Canada, and his deputy, Mr. Vershbow; Mr. Snell, Director of the Office for Central and Eastern Europe at the National Security Council; and Mr. Dare Johnson, Director for European and NATO Policy at the Department of Defense. These meetings discussed the progress of economic, military, social, and legislative reforms in Albania, opportunities to increase cooperation and assistance for Albania, and the crisis in the region. Mr. Selami praised the encouraging stance of President Clinton’s Administration toward the achievements of reform in Albania and toward President Berisha, and the role and contribution of the USA as an important factor in Albania’s achievements during this period of transformation. He stressed the need to further increase US cooperation and economic, political, and military assistance to Albania, as well as its positive effects on the shore of peace in the Balkans. The discussion also addressed observers for the Albanians living in Kosovo, the worsening situation and the danger of war there, as well as the necessity and importance of a fair resolution of the Kosovo issue. The American interlocutors praised Albania’s democratic and economic achievements, its high overall economic growth indicators for 1993, and its role and policy in support of peace in the region. They also expressed unreserved support for President Berisha and their readiness to continue cooperating with and assisting Albania, considering it a successful country in the development of democratic reforms. American officials underlined the US Administration’s interest in the situation in Kosovo and in resolving the problem. Press and Information Department of the ADP

The game of procedural violations —The bluffs so far cannot be overcome with “lightning” changes— The game of procedural violations NANO SEEKS TO RETURN TO THE TRIAL —The bluffs so far cannot be overcome with “lightning” changes— From the time he was first accused until now, apart from a few judicial statements during the investigation, Nano has not opened his mouth to speak concretely about the accusation against him. He has made political statements, said that he is innocent and that the trial against him is political, without giving any argument for this. The best way for Nano to prove that the trial against him is “political” would be to mount a reasoned defense and refute the accusation against him with facts, but Nano does not do this (because he lacks arguments and evidence). He found another way: prolonging this matter through the game of “procedural violations,” which exposed his bluff. At first, he claimed that he had not been informed of the indictment, even though in “ZP” he himself had admitted that he had deliberately not signed it (because he disagreed with the indictment against him, claiming that it had political motives, etc.). Then, through “ZP,” he claimed that the investigators were not questioning him and had only asked him to find lawyers; then that he disagreed with F.Dervishi, that he wanted to meet with the Prosecutor General about F.Dervishi, and finally that he was waiting for the Court to change its decision on the detention measure. Thus, this new deception by Nano was also exposed. During the trial, Nano continued the game. At first, he accepted the presiding judge, although he “knew that he was prejudging him”; later he asked for the judge’s removal from the panel after he “realized that he was prejudging him”—so he knew it from the beginning and realized it later. After that, Nano would repeatedly bring up “procedural violations.” Then, from time to time, Nano would bring up “procedural violations.”

After the witnesses are questioned, one of the prosecutors speaks —Interview with prosecutor Arben Qeleshi, given to “Voice of America” correspondent Xhevdet Shehu— After the witnesses are questioned, one of the prosecutors speaks WE HAVE TAKEN A LAWFUL POSITION —Interview with prosecutor Arben Qeleshi, given to “Voice of America” correspondent Xhevdet Shehu— QUESTION: Now that the witnesses have been questioned, how do you assess their statements before the trial panel, and do they bring any new dimensions to the “Nano” trial? ANSWER: Regarding the questions put to the 51 witnesses and their statements in the court hearings, it should be said that they were identified by the prosecution and for this reason were summoned before the court panel, to testify about the facts and circumstances they knew concerning the aid case. I would say this: with a few minor exceptions, all the witnesses convincingly confirmed what they had explained to the Prosecutor’s Office, and it was made clear that there had been no kind of manipulation. I would mention here the testimony of “Adil Carcani, who, I believe, fully confirmed his acquiescence as prime minister regarding Levante Co, which had been appointed as the company for delivering the aid. That channel we mentioned in the indictment—Alia-Nano-Ministry of Foreign Affairs-Levante Co—to carry out what we accuse them of, the theft and embezzlement of urgently needed aid from the Italian people (which in Albania was reduced to fruit juices and marmalade), worked very effectively. QUESTION: Meanwhile, Mr. Nano has repeatedly accused you of taking a prejudiced position regarding the trial. How do you assess this? ANSWER: This is the position he takes as a defendant, together with the lawyers and consultants this defendant may have; nevertheless, the prosecution has acted transparently. The fact is that the trial panel has repeatedly asked for, and created the opportunity to present, before it the evidence and facts that the defendant’s defense may have at its disposal, but… It is clear: the prosecution’s view is that these proofs are not available. To divert attention, the defendant Nano, whether or not instructed by his defense, has given answers that really make you laugh, such as asking to have his procedural status changed from defendant to expert, and making accusations against the trial panel and against the prosecution. Nevertheless, we have maintained a lawful position and have acted transparently, to make clear not only to the trial panel but to public opinion as a whole that the prosecution’s position and view is that he is guilty, together with the other defendant. Nevertheless, this will be decided by the trial panel in the judgment it will deliver.

—In “ZP,” not only are the facts revealed by the testimony not published, and not only are they interpreted falsely, but the witnesses’ words are distorted completely— With the start of the trial against Nano, “ZP” (under orders) published only Nano’s absurd statements, which had nothing to do with the court proceedings, the facts, or the documents concerning the case. Later, in order to appear “credible,” “ZP” began publishing some of the witnesses’ words, but, as always, its mission remains deception. “ZP” does not publish the facts that emerge from the testimony, but instead prints insignificant remarks by these witnesses, 90 percent of whom are former subordinates of Nano. To print R.Alia’s words in large type in court, saying that Nano worked honestly (just as he said of his own and Hoxha’s regime, that they had worked for the people’s good), and to “forget” the facts that also came from this witness’s mouth is not merely dishonesty but outright deception. The trial panel does not judge on the basis of personal compliments that accomplices in crime pay one another, but on facts; and R.Alia, albeit reluctantly, provided some interesting facts. He confirmed that Nano had ordered his subordinates to act on the basis of the facts that B.Alia received from Levante Co, but these do not interest a newspaper which, to argue for Nano’s “innocence,” writes that he is “handsome.” “ZP” might as well have written that Nano was arrested out of envy because he was “handsome.” “ZP” presents the other testimonies in the same deceptive way. Thus, it publishes the witness Angoni’s words that “the aid was distributed properly and there were no discrepancies.” But “ZP” again “forgets” to publish Angoni’s other words, in which he stated that the Citizens’ Commission had been informed. “ZP” also “forgets” to publish the fact that a witness may face criminal prosecution, after R.Gjini’s lawyer demonstrated with documents the discrepancies that had been found—discrepancies that this witness (an employee of Albkontroll) had not included in his documents, supposedly because he was trying to cover them up. Thus, “ZP” engages in a double cover-up, concealing the facts that emerged from this testimony as well. In the case of the testimony of Aleko Lapes, former chairman of the Citizens’ Commission (appointed by Nano), “ZP” also writes whatever it pleases. It publishes the words “I was not a warehouseman” and says it was not within the Citizens’ Commission’s remit to inspect the documents, but forgets to publish what also emerged from C.Lipe’s testimony: that this commission received a direct order from Nano to act urgently on the basis of lists that also came from Nano (who received them from Levante Co). “ZP” writes that “the prosecutors did not like the presentation of the Citizens’ Commission.” The commission’s independence is supposedly being defended by “ZP,” even though two witnesses who worked with the commission confirmed that it “took orders from Nano” (A.Lipe) and that it was “a formality” (N.Angoni). In the part it published from I.Mushi’s testimony, “ZP” contradicts itself. Here is what it prints: “We made the distribution according to the plan given to us by the Citizens’ Commission… The discrepancy was very small, just 8 tons… The movement of goods was not accompanied by the movement of documentation,” and, at the end, “ZP” comments by asking: “Could F.Nano perhaps also be held responsible for these irregularities?” That is what happens when you forget to publish the essential part of the testimony: you end up making a blunder. I.Mushi says they acted without proper documentation, using only the distribution plan of the Citizens’ Commission. Meanwhile, A.Lipe’s testimony confirms that this distribution plan was sent to him on Nano’s order, to be implemented urgently and with certainty. To avoid responsibility for distributing the aid, and following this insistence at the Ministry’s collegium, the Nano government issued the decision to dismiss I.Hollingu. According to “ZP,” this responsibility should not be attributed to him; that would mean dragging the other ministers in to give them an excuse. (Continued on page 4) Later, him, because they had asked him only about his profession and age. The minutes read out in court, signed by Nano, confirmed that he himself had refused to answer, offering various excuses at first, saying that he needed time. Later, from time to time, Nano mentioned “procedural violations during the trial,” but when the presiding judge asked him and requested that Nano name these violations specifically, Nano, who of course had nothing to say, launched into an ordinary political statement and talked about villas and cables. Unfortunately, the other defendants do not support Nano’s claims; on the contrary, S.Plaka has pointed out several times that he has confidence precisely in the justice of the presiding judge whom Nano dislikes. S.Plaka’s confidence is not unfounded, but stems from the fact that A.Bendo has acted quite fairly and has even been very tolerant toward the defendants, especially Nano. If Nano had appeared before any other judicial panel in the European courts, his claims and statements could have exposed him to at least two new charges. In particular, Nano’s conduct so far has proved to be a bluff. By acting that way, Nano thought he would draw public attention to the “injustices” being done to him, but it seems the public does not judge for itself according to Nano’s sick mind and that of those advising him. Realizing that it was a bluff and seeing that they had lost, Nano and his lawyers decided to create another “extension” and demanded that the witnesses be questioned again, but too late. Nano’s “pleas” and his false, arrogant attitude cannot turn them into orders. Nevertheless, since he has started his game, Nano would do well to keep playing it until the cell door closes behind him. Those who want to see the “irregularities” of the trial will have somewhere to verify them.

—After 3 years without taxes or duties, farmers are required to pay tax on the net income from agricultural production— —Workers of the former state agricultural enterprises and specialists who have received land for use will be treated under the law on leasing— From the discussion in principle by Minister Halili on the draft law “On Property Tax,” on behalf of the DP group. As speakers from the various parliamentary groups also said, the establishment of a market economy presupposes the establishment of a system of taxes and duties on which the mechanism of a state belonging to everyone operates. Motivated by the idea of a state belonging to everyone, and in accordance with this logic and the DP program, the Government considered that it should submit this draft law to the Assembly in time for implementation to begin in August 1994, exactly three years after the implementation of the “On Land” law began. In this way, the DP also remains true to the promise it made to the electorate. If we were to discuss the issue of the current economic level of Albanian society, then this draft law, i.e. the question of the draft law. And the DP deputies in the Albanian parliament, he has accused this party, calling it divisive and a continuation of the dictatorship’s era. Indeed, this has continually been presented as a persecution of two candidates, two figures, with particular care taken to create the image of a radical. In the pluralist sphere of Albanian political life, of course, one can act in one way or another, or in many ways, humanely and continuously, including by uniting around an issue and taking each part at a given moment as the one considered most profitable, or the one that brings you profit or income to others. They accept such democratic phenomena. (Continued on page 2)

“Baleta joined the Albanian democratic movement from its very beginning, maintaining a somewhat ‘original’ stance: that is, both in favor and reserved, both extremist toward the DP and also against it in decisions on specific issues. He also took a concrete stance wholly against the Democratic Party, and against the interests of the Albanian people, opposing it out of a longing for dictatorship.” As a DP deputy in the Albanian parliament, he has accused this party of being divisive and of extending the period of dictatorship. Indeed, he has consistently presented himself in this way as a persecuted figure, one of two candidates, one of two personalities, showing particular care to create above all Albanian political life, of course, one can emerge in one way or another, or in many human ways and continuously; one can also join a cause and every part of it, and at a given moment take whatever one considers most profitable, or whatever brings one profit or income. Such democratic phenomena are accepted. (Continued on page 4)

Caricature with the banner “Political ideas.”

Caricature: a man is smoking; notes on the stamps: “NANO F. CHAIRMAN?”, “FATOS NANO (PAPARAZZI SERVICE)”[?], “CIVIC OFFICE”. Signature: Dino.