—The return of refugees from Greece and the creation of a false image of Albania are the means by which PS leaders say they will take power— In the light of recent events that led to the deterioration of relations between the two governments, Albanian and Greek, several realities that were not at all unknown came to light. Certain connections of interest came to light, extending further and encroaching on major interests such as national interests. —“But isn’t the thief to blame?”— This expression is taken from a humorous sketch, but the fact it is currently associated with has nothing in common with humor. The PS’s mouthpiece, “ZP,” from the day the crime occurred at the Albanian-Greek border, apart from the PS statement condemning this crime, has continually attacked the Albanian government for its position. “May sorrow not cloud our eyes,” the “repentant” F. Zanaj advises on 15 April. A strange headline, but reading what he writes below, one understands what “Albanian” Zanaj is trying to say. “We are a people... We have been insulted, but we must keep a clear head. We are facing not the Greek government, but our own government”—this is what Zanaj says. And this is the refrain “ZP” will continue in all its subsequent issues. Not a word about the criminals. According to them, the Greek government bears no responsibility; indeed, matters go so far that the Albanian government is attacked for holding the Greek government responsible. Reading all these issues of “ZP” makes the reader wonder whether it is good that they exist, or whether they are true. One thing is known: newspapers are among the most important means of informing and influencing public opinion. In this way they play an important role in defending national interests. The opposite, then, of what the “ZP” newspapers do. These words express the views of PS extremists. They have been stated openly and explicitly not only by the “small fry” of the PS, but also by its party officials. According to them, through PASOK, which governs Greece today, the democratic government will be overthrown and the communists of the PS will take power in Albania. But what is the “strategy,” according to these “socialists” who speak of democracy? The first and most effective way, they say, is the return of Albanian refugees. This, they claim, would cause a state of chaos in Albania. Families left without income, as well as the refugees themselves, would protest and thus cause the crisis the PS is eagerly awaiting. The second method, which Greek politicians have also pursued, is to create a false image of democracy in Albania before international organizations, thereby preventing Albania’s integration into Europe. I cannot say whether these are merely fantasies of PS fanatics or whether there is some truth to them. In any case, the fact is that the second method has been widely practiced and exploited by the PS. Dokle’s statements, and those of “ZP,” that Europe will not accept Albania because it has no democracy, are now well known. Indeed, “ZP” went so far as to link Albania’s admission to Europe with the release of F. Nano. It is also a fact that PASOK representatives who are also in government had demanded F. Nano’s release just a few days before the crime occurred, violating every norm. Were these statements a coincidence? Greek politicians have repeatedly protested alleged violations of the rights of the Greek minority in Albania, while Greece itself has been under constant accusation precisely for flagrant violations of minorities in Greece. Besides this, it is truly unusual for a country that presides over the EC to be taken to court for violating international norms in connection with the blockade against Macedonia. The most blatant case is PASOK’s protest on behalf of F. Nano, invoking democratic principles. Meanwhile, in Greece, Mitsotakis, accused of corruption by the current government, declares that “it is all just political revenge.” These facts clearly show that Greece’s “protests” against the Albanian government are not motivated by a desire to “defend democratic freedoms”—which Greece itself seems to violate flagrantly—but by certain interests that do not at all coincide with the interests of Albanians. It is difficult to take seriously the protests of a country like Greece about respect for democratic norms in another country (in this case, Albania) when, at the same time, terrorist language comes from that country, when its government supports Serbian politicians and aggressors in the Balkans, when bombs are planted in the cars of European diplomats (French and Dutch) in Athens, and when Greece itself makes utterly undiplomatic statements about another country. against Macedonia.

Speech by the Chairman of the Council of Ministers, Mr Aleksander Meksi, on the occasion of the second anniversary of the Democratic Government Gentlemen, today marks two years since the establishment of the Democratic Government, which emerged from the first free and fair elections of 22 March 1992. Gentlemen, Today marks two years since the establishment of the Democratic Government, which emerged from the first free and fair elections of 22 March 1992. Two years ago today, we swore to serve Albania and the Albanians, and we worked with all our abilities and energies to fulfill this obligation. These two years, the most difficult of the period of transition from the socialist planned economy to the free-market economy, from the dictatorship of the proletariat to the rule of law and Western democracy, from isolation behind a barbed-wire fence to full openness toward the democratic world, have been decisive for Albania’s contemporary history. We were at once its contemporaries and its actors. It is for historians to analyze and write about it, because there will undoubtedly also be criticism of us. For these reasons, the two years that remain are decisive for the fate of democracy in Albania and for carrying out the government’s program. Our unreserved contribution and commitment to this are a political and moral obligation. Over the past two years, through the work and efforts of all government structures, at the central and local levels, a decisive turn has been made toward democracy and the free-market economy, toward progress, toward Europe and toward human civilization. We began governing an Albania systematically ruined for nearly half a century, with a paralyzed economy, catastrophic foreign debt, and isolation from the developed world. We began governing with the apprehension of those taking up these positions for the first time and with the difficulties created by the necessity of stricter austerity measures to halt the further decline of the Albanian economy. The democratic countries, the EC, the USA, Turkey, and others stood by Albania; with their humanitarian aid and their ongoing assistance and support, many difficulties were overcome and are still being overcome. However, the difficulties of economic reform could not have been overcome without the support of the Albanians, who understood that this entirely new path, so different from the previous one, could not be undertaken without pain and sacrifice; nor without the support of the President of the Republic, the Albanian Parliament, the parties of the governing coalition, and all the democratic and progressive forces of the country. The economic reform undertaken in Albania, on the basis of a program drawn up jointly with the assistance of international institutions, began to bear fruit from its earliest steps, first in agriculture, which liberalization breathed life into, and later in trade, transport, and construction. Today, thanks to the policy of privatizing state property, [the text continues]... (Continued on page 2)

At the invitation of the Minister of Defense, Safet Zhulali, a military delegation led by General Robert Oaks, Commander-in-Chief of the US Air Forces in Europe, arrives in our country today. General Oaks graduated from the US Air Force Academy. He has served at several air bases, held several important posts at the US Air Force Headquarters, and in June 1990 was appointed Commander of the US Air Forces in Europe and Commander of the Allied Air Forces for Central Europe.

At last, Preç Zogaj publicly admitted in his newspaper that he had been an informer for the Sigurimi. Although he tries to justify himself by citing his “adolescent age” and the fact that he acted “against his will.” Until now, when some leaders of the PAD were accused over this, they responded with the “argument” that this was revenge by the PD—but what now? With what courage will Mr Zogaj face public opinion as a politician and journalist when he bears this black stain? With what courage can the PAD speak to Albanians, who know very well what it means to be an informer for the Sigurimi? Zogaj says that “God helped him” so that he would not harm anyone. It is hard to believe that someone could write a statement for the Sigurimi without harming anyone. Zogaj’s request for some kind of right for informers seems astonishing, since he has publicly declared what he was. In any case, Zogaj would do well to look at the Czech or Polish laws on this matter. Under one of these laws, former secret-police collaborators are even prohibited from publishing in newspapers, whereas Mr Zogaj not only continues to write, but also dares to accuse others of violating democracy. People like these, toward whom democracy is being far too lenient, deserve to be punished for what they inflicted on an entire people, rather than being allowed to irresponsibly rise up today and give lessons in democracy. What lessons on democracy can the “intellectuals” of the State Security in the PAD now give? The çiftelia has snapped its last string, but the Painters still hold the panel in their hands, and the Roosters keep crowing. THE OBSERVER

It is truly interesting to see that in Europe there are—and are felt—[?]; just a few days before the crime occurred, they had requested the release of F. Nano, violating every international and democratic norm. Thus it is clear where the “ZP” policy is headed. It seems that some of the points in the statement with PASOK were not written down. Greece protests against Albania while Europe protests against Greece

THE HEAD OF ICE IN ALBANIA DENIES IT... A few days ago, Gazeta Shqiptare reported that the Italian trade office in Albania had closed for logistical reasons and that its director, Mr. Ruta, had been transferred to Sofia. The next day, Mr. Ruta denied this in Gazeta Shqiptare, but apparently this did not please “ZP,” which yesterday, in its familiar tone, wrote about the departure of ICE representatives and, naturally, blamed the democratic government, which looks toward “Malaysia.” Thus, in the face of a respectable fact that conforms to democratic norms in another country (in this case, Albania), at the same time that terrorist groups are setting out from that country, when its government supports Serbian policies of violence in the Balkans, when bombs are being placed Athens, when Greece itself is making thoroughly undiplomatic statements about another EC country such as Germany, and when, ultimately, Greece is accused by Europe of all these things. Nevertheless, these facts do not stop “ZP” and those it represents from tarnishing Greece’s policy in particular, thereby opposing not only Europe but Albania itself. Is it not obvious that this is being done in the interests they share? EDI PALOKA

By Azem Hajdari 1. The first battle, a little more victorious than the second It happened when he was at a beautiful age, an age that, in the most precise sense for that kind of struggle and that character, could be called the age of innocence. Then a young man, dressed half in tradition and half in civilization, set out from the village of Gur i Bardhe in Mat to attend a distant school. And how distant it was: it was called Moscow. Everyone—and I among them—feels respect for that beautiful, somewhat innocent age. All the more sadly does one feel it when a man named A. Baleta takes that youthful beauty in hand and begins burdening it with weighty official titles and other confused dreams. What dreams had that young man from Mat been burdened with, just a few kilometers from the village of Burgajet, where His Majesty, King Zog, had been born? It was an ill fate that the fallen remnants of the former King had bewitched his mind, and the young Abdi’s mind was set on becoming important and gaining a position. Thus the dream was built. Reality, too, began to take shape this way: the young Abdi set off for Moscow with his suitcase under his arm and three large letters in his mind. These four letters were D.K.G.B... He set out for that school and completed it with full success. The four letters began to appear to him as four silhouettes of royal towers, which a man named Abdi Baleta would climb... After some time, the picture of truths leading toward advancement to a high position began to take shape in his mind. The truths were these: first, being a poor villager at the foot of the towers of the former King Zog, which meant loyalty to the Mother Party (PPSH), which had opened his eyes. Another truth was that he had been sent to study at the center of communism, and in the special branch of the DKG.B. Another truth was Abdi’s membership in the PPSH from a tender age. (Which of his peers had had this opportunity?) And yet another truth on Abdi’s path to a position was that he had some friends among the top leadership of the PPSH, such as H. Lleshi or someone else. Only one thing was missing at that time for the man who had just embarked on the arduous struggle for a career, the man named Abdi Baleta. What was missing was precisely his name. His name, in the sense that it had not yet been created, was the most essential element for him. (Continued on page 2)

—Press conference of the Initiative Group for the unification of Albania’s veterans— Yesterday morning, in one of the halls of the UN in Tirana, the Initiative Group for the unification of Albania’s veterans held a press conference. At the beginning, Mr. Muhamer Spahiu, a member of the initiative group, read the platform of this group, from which we quote: “We publicly declare that we support no political party; we are entirely independent of political parties, but we support democratic processes in Albania and respect the state body elected by the people, regardless of which political party its members belong to.” Then Messrs. Alfejo Mosiqi, Muhamer Spahiu and Rrahman Përlaku answered journalists’ questions. (Continued on page 4)

In its April 9 issue, the newspaper “Koha Jone” (I have noted once before that “Koha Jone” is never its name; it is “Their Time”) publicly expresses, in an article by T. Cela published on the front pages, Athens’s concern about demographic movements within the territory of the Republic of Albania. “Mass population movements,” writes this Albanian-speaking newspaper with a Greek heart, “are now a concern not only for Tirana but also for Athens, since a transfer of residents from other Albanian areas is also taking place in areas inhabited by the minority.” Continuing its article, this internationalist newspaper cites the Greek Foreign Minister Papulias, who says: “Any action by Tirana concerning the Greek Hellenic community will be successfully opposed,” and “the transfer of Albanian citizens to the southern districts, where the Greek minority lives, cannot diminish the importance of the Greek question.” What stands out in the statements of the senior Greek government official is that he calls the southern districts of Albania territory of the Greek ethnic group, although, as a cautious politician, he does not use the term “Northern Epirus.” He deliberately forgets that the Greek minority in Albania lives on Albanian lands; that not a single pigeon, nor any land situated today within the borders of the Albanian state, is Greek; that, on the contrary, it is an Albanian population living on its own ethnic lands, or one that was cruelly driven out by Greek chauvinists; and that the Greek minority in Albania is made up of colonists who came to work as laborers on Albanian-owned lands. But “KJ” ignores these facts and worries in Greek; the Greek government’s orchestra is worried. Meanwhile, the Greek Foreign Minister’s statement that any action by Tirana will be successfully opposed seems to confirm this, since the commandos of the minority, driven by deranged ideas, undertook the dangerous adventure of taking the lives of two Albanian servicemen, creating—according to the initial, inaccurate account—a story about the group’s landing and its field operation, while forgetting that Albanians, who have always been committed to a peaceful policy and opposed to violence, have nevertheless known, and still know, how to defend their land, even at the cost of the ultimate sacrifice. But “KJ,” as a servile advocate, does not stop there in coming to the aid of “Greek concern”; it continues its shameful campaign. Again, in another article, supposedly out of concern for the Albanians who have been forced to become refugees in their own homeland, it talks about some residents from the north who have settled in Sarande and other parts of the south. In other words, it says openly: “KJ” has surely aroused the envy even of the most chauvinistic Greek newspapers. And, continuing its expressions of Greek concern, “KJ” is again worried in yesterday’s issue about the staff of the Greek embassy in Tirana, who, according to T. Cela, are apparently marking their departure with celebrations and entertainment. Of course, these diplomats have every right to celebrate or feel sad before leaving Albania. But the concern of KJ is nevertheless inexplicable. What this newspaper means by telling us about the week-long celebrations of Greek diplomats remains entirely unclear, indeed suspicious. And while it speaks about the celebration of Albanian diplomats in lamentable Albanian, “KJ” concerns itself with Albanians who, according to it, are increasingly rising in privilege through a visa to Greece. Such extraordinary patience. In a word, its real concern is made clear: the fulfillment of its shameful mission, to such an extent that even the Albanian letters groan, so cruelly violated in the pages of this newspaper, which tramples and debases the sacred language of humankind, and shines upon the homeland and the nation. Because, as readers have long noticed, “Koha Jone” knows how to worry only in Greek. LAZER STANI

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one is prompted to ask: it is all very well that there are people responsible in the Albanian administration for what happened, but are the criminals not to blame? This policy is no coincidence, nor simply a desire by the opposition to oppose the government at every opportunity, but a specific alignment of interests.

On Wednesday, April 20, 1994, at 11:00 a.m., DP Chairman Mr. Eduard Selami will hold a press conference at the Press Center near the Palace of Congresses. In addition to journalists, representatives of the Diplomatic Corps are also invited to attend.