The criminal case against Ramiz Alia and other senior officials of the former communist government has been sent for trial After the completion of the investigations, which lasted nearly a year, the Tirana district prosecutor’s office sent the criminal case against the defendants Ramiz Alia, Adil Çarçani, Manush Myftiu, Rita Marko, Simon Stefani, Hekuran Isai, Aranit Çela, Zylftar Ramizi, Rrapi Mino and Veis Hadeni for trial on 22 April. The charges against them are the misappropriation, in complicity, of state property worth 2,883,502 lekë, and abuse of office, also committed in complicity, resulting in the unlawful violation of citizens’ fundamental freedoms and rights, causing economic damage worth 484,778 lekë, as well as violating citizens’ equality through the creation of privileges. The investigation established that the defendants committed the above-mentioned criminal offences by abusing their senior party and state positions, acting intentionally and in complete violation of constitutional legal norms and the laws and other subordinate acts then in force. The violation and denial of citizens’ fundamental freedoms and rights through unlawful state activity, directed and ordered arbitrarily and continuously by these defendants, according to their respective roles at the time, led to the following criminal consequences: the execution in 1951 of 22 innocent people, without investigation or trial, followed, in order to conceal the criminal and state culpability, by the falsification of criminal procedural, investigative and judicial records, as well as other related acts and omissions. In connection with this crime committed by them, the prosecution, pursuant to Article 98/1 of the Criminal Procedure Code, decided to discontinue the investigation against these persons because the subject of the offence was absent or the limitation period for criminal prosecution had expired. The internments and deportations of thousands of people, carried out in violation of the Constitution and the criteria set out in the relevant decree-laws by a special administrative body—the Central Commission for Internment and Deportation—took place at a time when such measures, as coercive measures of the state, were provided for by law only as criminal penalties imposed by a court. The regulation and conduct of the state activity of the former State Security organs throughout the period of the one-party state were based solely on highly secret party acts approved by the Political Bureau, and not on the Constitution or the law. This resulted in the continuous violation of constitutional guarantees proclaimed to protect the inviolability of the person, their life, home, freedom of residence, and postal and telephone correspondence; in particular cases, this was accompanied by the taking of citizens’ lives. The indictment holds them responsible for the public denunciations of thousands of people on formal charges, when these were carried out to meet the operational needs of the former State Security organs, without sufficient grounds to initiate criminal proceedings or legal evidence to justify such a security measure. R. Alia at F. Nano’s trial. The killings of several people at the border during 1990 are another point in the charges against them. According to the indictment, these crimes were committed after the legal-criminal definition had been changed from crimes against the state and treason against the homeland to the criminal offence of illegal border crossing. The charges concerning the border killings also include the degrading treatment of the murdered people, intended to create a climate of fear among the population. Finally, the indictment also holds the defendants responsible for actions by other state institutions between 1967 and 1976 that extinguished freedom of religious belief and the institutions of religious communities, and which were accompanied by the destruction of their great historical, cultural and material assets. NDREK GJINI The defendants and, according to the nature of the acts at the time, caused the following criminal consequences: the execution by firing squad followed, in order to conceal criminal and state culpability, by the falsification of criminal investigative and judicial procedural records, as well as other unlawful acts and omissions to the detriment of the interests of the families of those executed. The investigation established that the organizers and falsifiers of this serious crime also included the former senior leaders of the party and state leadership and of the judiciary of that time, namely Enver Hoxha, Mehmet Shehu, Kadri Hazbiu, Beqir Balluku, Nevzat Haznedari, Edip Çuçi, Shuaip Panariti, Vangjel Koçani and Sin Çarçani.

KUKES: In just the first two weeks of April, 52 new members joined the Kukes branch of the DP

Greek newspapers publish photographs of terrorist groups under headlines such as “squads of our liberation army for Vorio Epir” - At the meeting of the Greek-Albanian investigative commissions, the Greek side stated that the Albanian side had presented no facts. - Do Greek government officials read their own newspapers? The Greek newspaper “Stohos”, in its issue of 13 April 1994, published at the top of its page a photograph of an armed military group, which it calls a “squad of our liberation army”. The newspaper’s motto (printed in every issue) is: “The only way to establish peace in the Balkans is the Hellenization of the entire Balkans”. On 2 March ’94, this same newspaper warned of the “formation of squads that would fight for the ‘defence’ of Vorio Epir and for Hellenization in general. In the photograph we are reprinting, the terrorists’ eyes have been erased so that they cannot be identified. Thus, this newspaper, which engages in outright warmongering propaganda, is fully aware of the activities of the terrorist groups and protects them. But is the Greek government unaware of these facts? If “Stohos” is to be believed, there are at least 8 “liberation army” squads in Greece. What is the Greek government doing about them, and, ultimately, what is it doing about newspapers such as “Stohos”, which incite war in the Balkans and openly express their chauvinistic aims? It does nothing against them; moreover, regarding the latest crime, it declares that the Albanian side presented no facts, at a time when terrorists are posing for Greek newspapers. Greece is a member of the EC and knows the international rules well, especially those concerning the non-alteration of borders and violence. Above the photograph published by “Stohos” is the caption: “Panic in Tirana from the strong blow”. How afraid Albanians are has already been demonstrated to the Greeks in the past, but it seems that those who write for this newspaper are among those who have never known what courage is. Coming and going at night, killing people from behind—that is their idea of bravery. In any case, it would be good for the Greek government to act before the criminals and terrorist groups coming from its territory embark on further adventures and discover just how “afraid” Albanians are of them. E.PALOKA Panic in Tirana from the strong blow ‘Squads of our Liberation Army’

— Clarification by the spokesperson for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs — In recent days, as has been announced, the Ministry of Public Order, acting on the information at its disposal and in accordance with the law, carried out surprise inspections in several districts of the country concerning the illegal possession of weapons, drugs and unconstitutional criminal activity. During the inspections, 11 people were detained for illegal possession of weapons, and a large quantity of unconstitutional documents was found and seized, proving Greek expansionist and annexationist aims towards Albania, as well as blatant Greek efforts to Hellenize the lands of southern Albania. Regarding this incident, the spokesperson for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs clarifies that “detentions for illegal possession of weapons, various kinds of ammunition, drugs and unconstitutional criminal activity have not been and will not be made on the basis of nationality, but on the basis of the citizenship they hold. The spokesperson points out that the Ministry of Public Order has irrefutable evidence and facts, which it will make available to any international investigative commission that requests them.” “Every Albanian citizen,” the spokesperson concludes, “is equal before the law, and it is incomprehensible for any state or international organization to intervene to protect persons who act against the laws. Any such action infringes the sovereignty of the Albanian state.” This resulted in the discontinuation of the constitutional guarantees proclaimed for the protection of the person, their life, home, freedom of the press, and postal and telephone correspondence, and in particular cases holds them responsible for the wretched personal denunciations concerning formal crimes of conscience, committed by the subjects specified in the criminal procedural law and practically carried out by the unlawful assumption of judicial powers by the former district party committees, in cooperation with the former State Security organs in the districts. The defendants are also accused of arresting and detaining various citizens in violation of the criminal and procedural laws in force, in cases involving blatant calls for the Hellenization of the territories of southern Albania. Regarding this event, “detentions for carrying weapons without a permit, not been and will not be carried out Ministry of Public Order has indisputable incomprehensible for any state or international organization to intervene in order to protect people who act against the laws. Any such action infringes on the sovereignty of the Albanian state.”

At the invitation of the mayor of Korçë, the Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Italian Republic to our country, Paolo Foresti, paid a visit to the city of Korçë. After welcoming the Italian guests, the mayor of Korçë, Gjergji Çupi, expressed his gratitude to the Italian people and government for the assistance they had given Albania during its transition to democratic processes and in this phase of transition. The chairman of the district council, Pavllo Llapanxha, gave an overview of the developments in Korçë during the transition, such as the privatization of agriculture and 120 small and medium-sized enterprises. “In the Albanian context,” said Italian Ambassador Paolo Foresti, “Korçë is distinctive; it has been and remains a city of culture, tolerance and development, and has known how to protect its national traditions. From the outset, Italy has consistently supported the democratic processes. Italy’s interest in Albania is not economic or military, because it has abandoned that philosophy and chosen the philosophy of building a democratic and civilized Europe. It has helped and will help Albania’s integration into democratic Europe. By helping a democratic and peaceful Albania, we also help the troubled region around it. Italy will help Albania move from the emergency phase to the phase of cooperation and development.” Ambassador Foresti proposed establishing three pilot projects in agriculture, for which Italy would provide technical and scientific assistance, selected seeds and various chemical fertilizers. This would be the starting point for more advanced projects in the future. After that, Mr. Foresti visited the University of Korçë, where he held a discussion with students and lecturers. He proposed to the university rector the establishment of an Italian cultural centre to serve Italian and Korçë students as a meeting place for culture, ideas and entertainment, as well as twinning the University of Korçë with a university in Italy. The Italian ambassador donated to the university a television set with a video player, a complete Italian-language teaching programme, and a small library of scientific and literary books.

At last, the faithful chronicler of the heroics of the State Security men, the former crime-laboratory specialist, woke up terrified from a bad dream (his crippled conscience never lets him sleep peacefully) and, prompted by the biological instinct of self-preservation, decided to write a “novel,” which for the past three or four days he has been publishing regularly in his beloved newspaper, “Zëri i Popullit”—which would more accurately be called the voice of the Neshats and his colleagues, whom he has so devotedly and humbly lauded in his literary works, in film scripts and in “warm hands,” certainly warmed by the blood of the innocent. Perhaps one of his former victims disturbed his dream; perhaps the ghost of some dead man from Burrel had been haunting him for many nights, when Neshati, his eyes bulging with terror, decided to write what he calls a “novel,” entitled “Death from Threats,” which is in fact a political pamphlet full of venom, insults and humiliations directed at Albanians and especially at his victims, the former political persecuted—those who were massacred, tortured, killed and driven away by the dictatorship, those who endured the calvary of terror solely so that one day the dawn of freedom might break, and whom Neshati has the criminal audacity to call rapists, thieves, beasts, queers, criminals, and so on and so forth. His distorted logic, weighed down by severe guilt complexes, spares no one in that filthy mire he calls a novel: he insults those who strove for democracy, accuses those working to consolidate this democracy, and spits at the DP, the main political force that brought down the most savage and inhuman dictatorship ever to exist in Europe, freed the political prisoners and put an end to political prisons. And the only good thing he sees is the PS program. This untalented man, who claims to have become a writer by composing political denunciations, who thinks he became an intellectual by working in the labyrinths of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, who claims to have become a hero by denouncing Feçorr Shehu after Enver Hoxha had already executed him in the bitter struggle between terrorist clans; this man who has tried to propagandize and teach us about the “party’s warm hand”—this uncultured, unprincipled man with deranged logic dares to compare political prisoners, the victims of him and his colleagues, to a dog that has suffered on a short chain, and that, if you beat it and feed it badly, never pet or wash it, will still wag its tail at you. “It is true,” he writes with the logic of a sadist, “that when you whip it, it yelps, cries, submits, lies belly-down, begs, but if it gets the chance...” It is clear that Neshat Tozaj lives in anguish, sleeps in anguish and wakes in anguish, precisely because the crimes he committed do not let him feel at peace for even a minute. In any case, Neshati should be made aware that no soap has yet been invented, and no powder exists, with which he could cleanse his soul and save it from the psychoses that have deranged his brain. Nor can that rag of a novel, filled with hatred, sadism and perversity, help him. THE OBSERVER

“You swallow a spoonful of spoiled soup somewhere, then spend your whole life throwing up.”

The spokesperson for the Ministry of Public Order reports that, at the meeting held in Ioannina on 20 April between the delegations of the Ministries of Public Order of Albania and Greece concerning the Greek massacre at the Recruits’ Training Centre in Peshkëpi, in the district of Gjirokastër, the Albanian side presented the Greek side with information about the composition of the terrorist commando, its arrival from Greece and return to Greek territory, the weapons and ammunition of Greek manufacture used in the massacre, as well as valuable information enabling the Greek side, if it has the goodwill, to conduct an investigation to identify the organizers and perpetrators of the terrorist act. The spokesperson for the Ministry of Public Order reports that, at the meeting held in Ioannina on 20 April between and Greece concerning the Greek massacre at the Recruits’ Training Centre in Peshkëpi, in the district of Gjirokastër, the Albanian side presented the Greek side with information about the composition of the terrorist commando, its arrival from Greece and return to Greek territory, the weapons and ammunition of Greek manufacture used in the massacre, as well as valuable information enabling the Greek side, if it has the goodwill, to conduct an investigation to identify the organizers and perpetrators of the terrorist act. The Albanian commission noted that the Greek side presented no evidence or documents to refute the facts and arguments presented by the Albanian side. The fact that the Greek side has declared that the Albanian side presented no facts and documents makes us insist once again on the assessment of the evidence and facts by an impartial commission. other and see how much “afraid” Albanians are of them. E.PALOKA