The Milan section of the Italian prosecutor’s office, which is handling the proceedings of the

handling the “Clean Hands” investigation, requested on Tuesday that the passport of Bettino Kraksi, former head of government and former national secretary of the Italian Socialist Party, be revoked, judicial sources report. Facing more than 13 files concerning the crimes of corruption, embezzlement, complicity in bankruptcy and violation of the law on the financing of political parties, Bettino Kraksi is among a group of 37 people whom the Milan prosecutor’s office has asked to stand trial in the Enimont case, which involved the embezzlement of billions of lire. The request to revoke his passport is motivated by the fact that he might flee, but it must be approved by the judges in the case. On Tuesday, the newspaper “La Stampa” published a photograph of Bettino Kraksi, who has become a symbol of political corruption, while he was on holiday in Tunisia. Before this request, the judge in the case had ordered the passports of around 15 people to be revoked. They include the Socialists Karlo Tonjoli and Paolo Piliteri, former mayors of Milan, as well as Klaudio Sinjorile of the Christian Democracy, former minister Paolo Cirino Pomicino and Xhorxho Moskati, and the former national secretary of the Italian Democratic Party, Karlo Kiko PARTITO SOCIALISTA PSI

Dr. Brixhita Vagner, Secretary-General of the Austrian Constitutional Court, arrived in Tirana and paid an official two-day visit. During her stay in our country, Ms. Vagner met with the Minister of Justice, Kudret Cela, the President of the Constitutional Court, Rustem Gjata, as well as other figures in the Albanian judiciary. She came to Albania as a representative of the world’s oldest constitutional court (over 70 years old), which enjoys high standing with the Council of Europe, Mr. Rustem Gjata told ATSH. Ms. Vagner will help with the administration and organization of the work of the Constitutional Court, which has relatively little experience. ATSH

-326 million ECU in aid for 1991–1993 From 1991 through 1993, the EU granted a total of around 326 million ECU in aid to Albania. Most of this amount was used to purchase food and everyday consumer goods. This amounted to around 135 million ECU. In 1994, the amount used for this purpose will be reduced. The aid granted by the EU for this period will be used more for technical assistance, as well as payments and allocations to support the reform being carried out by the Albanian government.

“Albetrol” and the Italian company “API” SPA signed an agreement in Rome a few days ago to establish the joint company “Albetrol-Api”. The company will operate in the filling and distribution of liquefied gas produced at the Deep Oil Processing Plant in Ballsh, as well as all gas from imports, in cylinders and small tanks for heating and cooking for the population. Under the contract, the Italian company “API” will initially supply 10,000 liquefied-gas cylinders together with the necessary accessories and will set up the liquefied-gas filling plant at the Ballsh Complex. The joint company will also take part in fuel distribution, building and bringing into operation 14,006 filling stations belonging to “Albetrol”. The total value of the investments by “API” amounts to 2.2 billion lire, and the profits generated by the joint company will be invested in Albania in accordance with its field of activity.

Klodine Kaneti writes: The first biography of Enver Hoxha, Albania’s “red sultan,” published in Paris by Tomas Shreiber, defines his enigmatic personality: in the name of a communism that would liberate the soul, and which he claimed was the only pure one, he remained to the end “the stubborn leader of a merciless dictatorship.” The youth of this son of a wealthy Muslim merchant, however, had nothing truly revolutionary about it. This spiritual adventurer pursued law studies in Montpellier thanks to a scholarship granted by the government of France’s president and future king Zog, and then, without managing to obtain even the smallest diploma, became a diplomat in Brussels in the king’s service. He later made up for lost time: after teaching French and aesthetics at the French lycée in Korçë, he ran a bar in Tirana, then became a partisan, sentenced to death by the Italian occupier. After becoming Albania’s absolute master, he would be, in turn, Stalinist and Maoist, breaking successively with the communist world and inventing for his country the formula that remained famous: “reliance solely on one’s own forces.” Did he know that Stalin, whom he admired to the very end, had said of the Albanians, whose “fear” he had initially instilled in the Yugoslavs: “They are faithful like dogs, but this is characteristic of a primitive person”? Yet Stalin had advised the Yugoslavs to “swallow Albania, and the sooner the better,” and described Enver Hoxha as “petty bourgeois.” Tomas Shreiber had to undertake a genuine police investigation to “gather reliable information” about the life and political intrigues of the “red sultan,” writes a figure surrounded by fabrications. Moreover, his books are regularly modified so that, after merciless purges and bloodbaths, they erase from history the comrades of the early days, such as Mehmet Shehu, who in December 1981 had “killed himself” in a bewildering manner before being thrown into the [ ?] and [ ?] by the American, Yugoslav and Soviet secret services.” The author manages to reveal these astonishing aspects of a figure who was nevertheless “more intelligent and an outstanding jewel of the family,” something Albanians never knew, because Hoxha knew how to protect his “clan,” just as he did everything to conceal until the very end his very serious illness.

-Many of the fallen were victims of E. Hoxha’s demonic mind and treacherous hand- -The martyrs can in no way belong to criminals- -The PS’s demagoguery today about the National Liberation Anti-Fascist War and the martyrs is a great insult to the fallen, a killing of them all over again- 5 May, the day Qemal Stafa was killed, is marked as one of the most notable days in our national history, as the day of those fallen and martyred in the wars for freedom, independence, democracy and Albania’s prosperity. There is no doubt that we remember and honor the martyrs of freedom on all 365 days of the year, but every 5 May it seems they are closer to us, as if alive among the living. The glorious army of martyrs also includes those whose memory we honor and for whom the highest respect and gratitude are due from the fallen of today and tomorrow—not only those who fell in the wars for freedom, but also those killed by the Enverist dictatorship because they aspired to and fought for true democracy, for an Albania detached from the Communist East and integrated into Western Europe. Although 5 May is associated with their deaths, it is marked on the birthdays or anniversaries of them all. At the same time, it is also a day for the generations of the living, a reminder and an appeal to consider what work and deeds they have done to realize the dream and ideal of the fallen, and what they have done for the country and the nation, for their progress, well-being and prosperity. On this 5 May, too, we are conscious that we still owe a great deal to the fallen and the living, and that today’s Albania, although it has healed many wounds inflicted by Enverist communism and undergone profound, essential, historic changes, is still very far from the state we all desire. The children of the village, where even the food produced locally was handed out in minimal quantities using ration cards and coupons. And yet, every 5 May they had the opportunity to pride themselves, before the fallen and the living, on having made Albania what they had dreamed and wished it to be. In truth, for Enver Hoxha and Ramiz Alia the “Albanian miracle” was the Block, where they and their entire entourage enjoyed all the things denied to ordinary people, things they naturally did not envy the rest of the world. If the occupiers killed them once, Enver Hoxha and his dictatorship killed them several more times. They killed them a second time when they betrayed their ideal, when they replaced the fascist occupation with communist occupation, when, instead of the true democracy they had dreamed of, they imposed the most monstrous dictatorship, which mowed down tens of thousands of democrats, anti-communists and nationalists with the scythe of class warfare. They killed them a third time when, for nearly 50 years, they left their parents, children, brothers, sisters, nephews and nieces in Migjenian misery, enslaved and isolated them like no other people in Europe or beyond, and buried many members of their families in prisons and internment camps. The monster Enver Hoxha did not spare many of his fellow fighters either, including communists. And 5 May, the killing of Qemal Stafa, also marks the beginning, by Enver Hoxha, of the 45-year campaign to eliminate and annihilate his closest associates, first and foremost those with ... Vlore, killings carried out by the First Brigade. Dozens of people and second-rank officers are being killed in Tirana... In Lume, patriots are being put before firing squads for no reason. (AQSHF 14.D.2) In accordance with the strategy and orders of M. Popovic and D. Mugosha, carried out or formulated by their robot E. Hoxha, mass killings of innocent people were also committed in Vlore, Dumre, Martanesh, Mallakaster, Kukes, Diber, Mirdite, Librazhd, Lushnje, etc. In October 1943, M. Shehu killed 62 nationalist villagers. D. Mugosha stabbed with a knife those who escaped the bullets. On M. Shehu’s orders, 111 Italian servicemen who had surrendered in the Shengjergj area were also killed. The Enverist fratricidal campaign continued and expanded even further after the war, for nearly half a century, killing thousands more and brutally persecuting around 1 million Albanians—a whole people. And yet Enver Hoxha, his party, “ZP” and official communist historiography shamelessly distorted historical truths supported by documents. They advertised the victory of 28 November 1944 not as the great fruit of the people’s struggle and the sacrifice of its 28,000 sons, but as the work of the PKSH and Enver Hoxha. With the same hypocrisy, demagoguery and shamelessness, they presented the Enverist dictatorship as the pinnacle of democracy and “socialist” Albania as the full realization of the martyrs’ ideal. Even today, the PS, as the direct successor of the PK and PP, continues to speak with the same slogans about the National Liberation Anti-Fascist War and Even on this May 5, we are aware that we still owe a great debt to those who fell, of Enverian communism and undergone profound, essential and all wish for. The main culprits are Enver Hoxha, Ramiz Alia and their comrades, and their party, which changed its name over 53 years but not its spirit, path, ideology and strategy, nor its means and methods of existence and activity. Enverian-style socialism left Albania another 50 years behind Europe. It inflicted wounds that may take decades to heal, and made the road to recovery, development, progress, prosperity and modernization longer and more difficult. The PK and the PP, or today’s PS, treacherously and cruelly betrayed the dreams, ideals, struggle and superhuman sacrifices of the partisans, the martyrs and all the people who rose up to fight for freedom against the Fascist and Nazi occupiers. Hoxha and his comrades promised to make Albania a prosperous, developed country, with European living standards for everyone, free and democratic; instead, they turned it into a vast prison and hell for Albanians themselves, the most dictatorial country not only in Europe, where people were punished extremely harshly even for a spoken word, a line of poetry or a painting expressing, even in Aesop’s language, disappointment, dissatisfaction, protest or accusation. The martyrs fought and sacrificed their lives and precious youth for an Albania that would be a paradise not only for Albanians. But Enver Hoxha, Ramiz Alia and their comrades turned it into a vast African ghetto in the middle of Europe, where there was no milk, cornbread, egg or bone, and they imprisoned many people, including members of their own did not spare many of his fellow fighters, whether Communist or not. May 5, Enver Hoxha of a 45-year campaign to eliminate and destroy his closest associates, first and foremost those whose high intellectual level, integrity and patriotic commitment stood in the way of his strategy of establishing a cult of dictatorship and perpetuating national partition. Of the roughly 200 Communists killed during the war, some were victims of Enverian treachery and traps, shot in the back by his own men. If we look at the list of the main leaders of the partisan formations, we will see that most of them were physically or politically destroyed or eliminated by Enver Hoxha and his clan, by bullets or by being unjustly and baselessly branded as anti-party elements, traitors, and so on. The killing of Mustafë Gjinishti is particularly revealing and significant. Enver Hoxha wrote in his own hand: “As for Mustafa Gjinishti, that (the killing—our note) was different. We think it should have been done” (AQSHF 14.D.2 V.1944). From that time it was clearly understood that Mustafa Gjinishti had been eliminated by Enver Hoxha because, along with Mustafa, the Mukje Agreement also had to be destroyed, as it openly opposed the plans of Miladin Popovic and Dushan Mugosha. The killing of M. Gjinishi and the rejection of the Mukje Agreement also marked the lighting of the fire of fratricidal war. Enver Hoxha admits it himself. “We did not weigh anything. The slogan ‘Either with us or against us’ was the order of the day... We did not see that by carrying out those executions, we imprisoned many people, including members of their own families, and subjected them to internment and exploitation”—recognition of the right of the Albanian people to [ ?] of Macedonia. Enver Hoxha, of the PKSH and his [ ?], as if it were same hypocrisy, demagoguery and shamelessness, they advertised the Enverian continues with the same slogans about the LANÇL and the martyrs, as if these were and would remain its eternal monopoly. But what did the PK, PP or PS do for nearly 50 years for the martyrs and the surviving veterans? In recognition of their struggle and sublime sacrifices, they filled their chests with medals, while leaving their pockets and homes empty. Memorials were erected to the martyrs, but their families still live in tiny apartments to this day. They granted a monthly supplement of 100 lekë, but with wages or pensions of 500–600 lekë, one could not expect or achieve a normal life. One had to save for a long time or enter the lottery for 2–3 years to buy a suit or a black-and-white television, with authorization. That is why even today many veterans can still be seen wearing their wedding suits. Nevertheless, “ZP” continues its 50-year-old habit of disgusting demagoguery about the war and the fallen. But anyone may have the right to speak about them—except you, old and new Enverians; except you who pampered Shefqet Peçi and Haxhi Lleshi; except you who killed hundreds and hundreds of Albanians at the border or in the cities in 1989–1992; not you who organized the massacre of April 2, 1991, in Shkodër, the tragedy of Fushë-Arrëz, etc., etc. By continuing to view the LANÇL and the martyrs’ deeds through E. Hoxha’s and R. Alia’s glasses, you vilely kill the fallen once again, shamelessly insult and mock the living, and add to the burden of historical crimes and guilt.

addressed to the Secretary-General of the UN His Excellency Mr. Butros Butros Ghali Recent developments in the crisis of the former Yugoslavia give hope that a way is being found toward resolving the Bosnian crisis. The creation of the Croat-Muslim Federation is a good omen, a sign of a serious approach that could open new paths and horizons for world diplomacy toward a just and lasting solution to the problems throughout the Balkan region. Albanian intellectuals believe this is a crucial moment for the Albanian question, which should mark its return to the agenda of international politics and the examination of historical truth with renewed attention and greater sensitivity to the principles of the UN Charter. It is the aspiration of the Albanian people on both sides of the border, but it is also in the interest of all the peoples of the region and of peace throughout Europe that this ray of light now appearing on the horizon of international politics should not pass without having an impact on reopening the Albanian dossier. Under present conditions, the problems left unresolved by the disintegration of the Yugoslav federation can be settled only from a realistic perspective, taking concrete circumstances into account and adhering to international law as set out in a series of multilateral instruments. The question of Kosovo, one of the essential components of the Yugoslav crisis, which is by no means “an internal Serbian matter,” necessarily requires reconsideration and a just solution in the spirit and on the basis of new democratic principles. In this situation, it is essential that the widest official and unofficial public opinion have all the elements of the Albanian question before it. The fundamental criterion for addressing problems of this nature, so that all elements of the Albanian question are brought to the fore, is the universal recognition of the values and problems of peoples’ self-determination. The right to self-determination is a precise obligation before the United Nations. In our judgment, this obligation stems from the UN General Assembly Resolution of December 1960 on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples. Point 1 states: “The subjection of peoples to alien subjugation, domination and exploitation constitutes a denial of fundamental human rights, is contrary to the Charter of the United Nations and compromises the cause of world peace and cooperation.” Further, point 2 contains a formulation that leaves no room for equivocal interpretations: “All peoples have the right freely to determine their destiny..., they freely determine their political status...” The principle of peoples’ self-determination has received powerful renewed confirmation in the CSCE acts and in the documents of the European Community. The international community is currently directly involved in resolving the problems arising in relations between nations and states. Consequently, there can be no solution outside the principles enshrined in a whole series of international instruments. The UN is both their initiator and their custodian. Viewed through the lens of these instruments, the question of Kosovo cannot be forced into the Procrustean bed of minority regimes. In its scale and complexity, it constitutes a typical case of colonial rule, accompanied moreover by violations of individual and collective rights that are nothing other than apartheid and segregation against the Albanian population. Under these circumstances, UN intervention is absolutely essential because of the danger that any further escalation of the current Albanian-Serbian crisis could bring, with repercussions in the region and beyond. If the hand of the Serbian occupier is not stopped in time, they will perpetrate a veritable holocaust against the Albanian population of Kosovo. In view of the situation described above, we Albanian intellectuals, divided by borders but united by our national ideal, address Your Excellency, Mr. Secretary-General, with an appeal that the question of Kosovo and of all Albanians living in the former republics of the dissolved Yugoslav federation—in Macedonia, Southeastern Serbia and Montenegro—be addressed as soon as possible at a special international conference under the aegis of the Universal Organization. For the entire Albanian nation, the following are now imperative: -Recognition of the Republic of Kosovo as an independent, sovereign and neutral state, placed under the supervision and protection of international bodies; -Recognition of the rights of the Albanian people in the ethnic Albanian territories of Macedonia, who make up around 40% of its population; -Recognition and respect for the national and human rights of Albanians in Montenegro and Southeastern Serbia, deriving from the Helsinki Final Act and the Charter of Paris. For its part, the Albanian people solemnly pledge to fully and rigorously respect these rights for the ethnic minorities within their own community. It is our profound conviction that the active presence and care of the UN is a decisive guarantee both for reaching a judgment and for putting into practice a just and lasting solution, one that would forever close the painful chapter of Balkan conflicts and hostilities. We conclude this appeal by expressing the hope that Your Excellency will act urgently, as required by an issue in danger of degenerating into one of the most tragic situations of conflict. Adem Demaci, Ismail Kadare, Rexhep Ismajli, Abdylhadi Zylfiqari, Rexhep Qosja, Ali Aliu, Ismail Turku, Rexhep Zllaku, Ali Podrimja, Jusuf Vrioni, Resul Shabani, Alfred Uçi, Andromaqi Gjergji, Kol Ashta, Rifat Teqja, Angjelin Perlocaj, Koli Xoxi, Robert Ndrenika, Arben Puto, Kozma Laza, Sabri Hamiti, Asti Papa, Kristo Frasheri, Azem Shkreli, Kudret Velca, Seit Mancaku, Bardhyl Londo, Mahir Domi, Seluadin Bekteshi, Çesk Zadeja, Mehmet Bardhi, Shaban Demiraj, Dritero Agolli, Muhamedin Kullashi, Sherif Delvina, Eqrem Basha, Muharrem Lika, Trim Gjata, Emir Kranjta, Murat Isaku, Xhevahir Spahiu, Fatos Arapi, Nazmi Rahmani, Xhev et Gega, Fehmi Agani, Nermin Vlora, Ymer Jaka, Gani Bobi, Nexhat Mustafa, Zana Tuku, Gazmend Zajmi, Nikolla Pano, Zef Rrakacolli, Gjergji Zheji, Pandeli Çina, Zekëria Cana, Halil Sykja, Ramadan Sokoli, Zejnula Rahmani, Hamlet Bezhani, Ramiz Kelmendi, Zenun Çela, Hivzi Islami, Remzi Nisini, Zija Shkodra, Inva Mula, Zhani Ciko —recognition of the right of the Albanian people to [ ?] of Macedonia. Ciko

On May 7 at 10:30, a meeting of the National Council of the Albanian Democratic Women’s League will be held at the headquarters of the Democratic Party. The branch chairs and one member of the leadership will attend. FORUM OF THE ALBANIAN DEMOCRATIC WOMEN’S LEAGUE