06/05/1994
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Rilindja Demokratike

6 May 1994

ANOTHER STEP TOWARD PEACE IN THE MIDDLE EAST

-The agreement signed on May 4 in Cairo between the PLO and Israel, despite partial opposition, marks the beginning of a new period of peace.- At last, on May 4 in Cairo, following the mediation of Egyptian President Mubarak, the peace agreement between Israel and the PLO was signed by Prime Minister Rabin and PLO Chairman Arafat. Discussions concerning this agreement, which handed Gaza and Jericho over to the Palestinians, continued for a long time after the first agreement was signed in the United States between Rabin and Arafat. Several times this agreement was put at risk by the actions of extremists on both sides, to the point that it seemed it would not be signed. Even at the final moment of signing, there was a brief dispute between representatives of the two sides; nevertheless, the agreement was reached. Egyptian President Mubarak deserves particular credit for this, as in his role as mediator he managed to smooth over misunderstandings and bring Rabin and Arafat back to the table. Under the agreement signed most recently, as mentioned above, the Palestinians will be free to govern in Gaza and Jericho on the West Bank. Since the beginning of the Palestinian uprising, hundreds of casualties on both sides have been the result of this conflict. The Gaza Strip, defined by the Arab-Israeli Front Line at the end of the first Middle East war in 1948, was a strip of sand dunes on the Mediterranean coast, 40 km long and around 10 km wide. After the 1848 war, Gaza remained a legally separate territory and was later taken by Israel in the 1967 war. Today, some of the 1 million Palestinians live in Gaza, in overcrowded camps. Gaza is a place of low incomes. There is no industry, and 50 percent of men are unemployed. This has made Gaza a base for recruiting militant Islamic groups. Arafat will therefore have to act decisively and provide funds so that Gaza can truly become the foundation of a Palestinian state. In any case, what is important is that the agreement between Israel and the PLO is another step toward peace in the Middle East. Israeli Foreign Minister Shimon Peres stressed that Israel would not return to Gaza and that Gaza would not be returned to them. One of the Palestinian radical leaders, Jibril, is calling for Mubarak to be punished for signing this agreement. Ahmed Jibril is the leader of the General Command of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine and heads an alliance of radicals who oppose the agreement with Israel. He said that the agreement would come under pressure and that they would not accept it. Israelis also appear pessimistic. Despite the signing of the agreement, according to a poll, only 35% of them believe this agreement will bring peace to Palestine. It is difficult for many years of war to pass easily. Despite the casualties and suffering of [jera], it seems that there are still some who have not been “sobered” by war. The US President has welcomed the agreement between the PLO and Israel and promised American support to make it a reality. He called this agreement “a cornerstone of the peace process in the Middle East.”

HOW FAR FROM A TRUE OPPOSITION!

It is now well known that without a true opposition there is no pluralism, and without pluralism there is no democracy. But something else is just as true and just as important: it depends on what kind of opposition we are dealing with! In general terms, opposition means the contrary position of a person or group of people toward another group, in views, opinions, politics, actions, etc. And if we accept that the only way to discover the truth is through debate and liberalization, we have also accepted the necessity of taking an opposing position: opposition. For, as the ancient historian Herodotus pointed out two thousand four hundred years ago, when opposing opinions are not expressed, there is no way to choose the best one. We made this preliminary point to show that opposition, in the broad sense of the word, is not a contemporary phenomenon, as some believe! In a narrower sense, particularly as the term has been used among us for the past two or three years, opposition means a political or social organization that opposes the views, policies or practical activity of the party in power and challenges it whenever it disagrees with it. But this must always begin from the original conception of opposing views, and must never be an end in itself (as, for example, we find expressed in “ZP,” 9.4.’91, p. 3, just to offer an example). Otherwise, it is not difficult to understand that from a progressive, corrective, stimulating and constructive force, it turns into its opposite. And now, after this theoretical introduction, let us… move to a more practical and concrete level, trying to answer the question of how opposition presents itself here. In the past, during the dictatorship, its concept and use were discussed almost exclusively, if not entirely, in books and dictionaries or in news broadcasts, when speaking of so-called “bourgeois democracy.” This is not to say that there were no oppositional positions or contrary opinions here, but they were different in their very nature or, when they managed to appear, were described, evaluated and treated with terminology having nothing to do with the essence of true opposition: as enemies of the people and the homeland, not as opponents of the party-state and the dictator. Under such an inquisition, which even the Inquisition of the Middle Ages would have envied, it was difficult to imagine that one day this precious word would emerge from the pages of books and come to life here as well, in actual life, as happened in December ’90. Time convincingly confirms what we said above: that opposing opinion, pluralism and democracy are, on the contrary, entirely hostile! The new political forces that were rising up were crushed; workers and, why not, students too, were judged and treated no differently from all earlier opponents, as enemies. It is regrettable that the then party-state leadership, headed by R. Alia, was so shortsighted and failed to sense its inevitable end in time, instead of voluntarily leaving the political stage, as happened elsewhere, especially considering that Gorbachev-era winds in the East had been melting the Cold War ice for years. Let R. Alia now testify as much as he likes about the history of the three decades and make a sensation by claiming that he worked for the people. History has long reserved his place among the most reactionary, antidemocratic and anti-national forces: a pale copy of the dictator he replaced, when he had every opportunity to position himself differently in the hierarchy of those who have dominated the Albanian political scene during this last half-century, if only he had truly cared even a little more for the people than for himself! But while the stance of the sclerotic party-state ruling clique was clear and, to some extent, even justified—simply to preserve its undeserved privileges and, indeed, with the aim of pluralism and democracy; it will continue … (Continued on page 2)

HEROES REMAIN UNFORGOTTEN AND IMMORTAL LIKE THE FLAG

May 5 — National Martyrs’ Day HEROES REMAIN UNFORGOTTEN AND IMMORTAL LIKE THE FLAG -President Berisha and senior state and party figures pay their respects and lay fresh-flower wreaths at the “Mother Albania” monument and at the graves of the Martyrs of the Nation on the occasion of May 5- May 5. This is a date deeply engraved in the nation’s consciousness as something sacred, a symbol of the struggle for freedom. It is and will remain a sacred day for every Albanian who calls himself Albanian, because on this symbolic day the finest human virtues of this nation, both ancient and young, have been carved in stone. And, ultimately, it will remain with us; that is, the opposition here not only had existed for years, but its dimensions were vastly greater than even the most optimistic and competent analyst of Albanian reality could have predicted. As is known, its ferment had been growing alongside the party-state. The events that followed not only failed to neutralize it, let alone eliminate it; on the contrary, it was growing like a powerful avalanche in geometric progression and was only waiting for a chance to erupt. And then, toward the end of ’90, as soon as the “valves” were opened, crowds of dissatisfied opponents from every social class and grouping flooded the streets and squares, whose first institutionalized spokesperson was the Democratic Party. The party-state tried in vain to destroy the newborn in its cradle or to restrain or prevent the opposition storm: like hot, unstoppable lava, it erupted powerfully throughout the country. On this occasion, it is worth dwelling on two aspects: how was opposition initially conceived here, and what attitude did the party-state take toward it? In a few words: far, very far from the attitude required by pluralism and democracy; indeed, completely hostile! The new political forces were judged and treated no differently from all previous opponents. own end in time. “The memory of the Martyrs of the Nation will never be forgotten, because the ideals for which they fought and sacrificed themselves are eternal.” Wreaths were also laid on this May 5 by leaders and prominent figures of parliamentary political parties, as well as representatives of the War Invalids’ Organization and the Association of the Union of Veterans of the Albanian People’s War. * * * The President of the Republic of Albania, Sali Berisha, visited the families of the Martyrs yesterday, May 5. On these visits President Berisha was accompanied by the Secretary General of the Presidency, Kolec Topalli, and the Mayor of Tirana, Sali Kelmendi. The President made his first visit on this unforgettable day to the family of the Martyr Zyhdi Herri, one of the 22 intellectuals executed in the trial concerning the bomb placed at the Russian Embassy in 1951. “Paying respect to the martyrs is a debt and duty of all Albanians,” President Berisha said, “but Zyhdi’s murder was one of the most appalling acts of the Albanian security service, in collaboration with the Russian KGB.” “Those who cold-bloodedly signed his death sentence will be condemned not only by the court of history, but also by Albanian justice. That tragic event, not only for you, has remained deeply engraved in the people’s memory,” the President said. Each of us has thought and thinks about our children and our future, but what is positive today is that we have a prospect of continuing the work of the generations before us, who left it to us with a sense of responsibility. President Berisha then visited the family of Misto Mame. “Heroes like Misto Mame, who put the homeland above everything else, remain unforgettable and immortal like the flag. They rest in our soil, in our flag and in our hearts. There is no freedom without sacrifices,” President Berisha honored them, “and those who answered this noble cause became immortal, because those who die for a noble purpose are not forgotten.” “Our history was a difficult one. We are now in the family of Zyhdi Herri, who was killed in the massacre of 1951,” Berisha said. “We must honor the martyrs who fell defending freedom, because freedom is the message of the sublime sacrifice of all the martyrs of the homeland.” “The more we honor them, the better. The heroes of the Nation are a sacred part of the national consciousness,” President Berisha continued. Yesterday, May 5, President Berisha also visited the family of the Martyr Altin Basha. “Your son and Josif Buda are the first martyrs of pluralist democracy. The embassy incident was a revolt by Albanian youth against the dictatorship, and it had to be more severe than it was at the time. “This is one of the greatest events in the history of Albanian democracy. Your Altin is no longer alive, but today he is loved by all Albanians. He is eternal and remembered forever.” “Today I have two joys,” Altin’s mother said. “You have given me a son and I named him after Altin, and the second is your visit.” “Altin is in the hearts of all Albanians. His loss is irreplaceable for you and for us, but when one thinks that he belongs to immortality, that is a great tribute to him,” President Berisha emphasized. As he left the family’s home, President Berisha greeted many Tirana residents who had come out to greet him on this occasion. Afterwards, to the sound of the national anthem, President Berisha and his family were seen off. Meeting with the veterans and citizens of Tirana who were attending the ceremony, President Berisha said: Afterwards, President Berisha visited the family of Misto Mame. —Heroes such as Misto Mame, who put freedom above everything, must the land of their freedom, among a generation of patriots who pledged their future. As he left this family’s home, President Berisha greeted many residents of Tirana

THE NEW PENAL CODE FOR ALBANIA

The latest meeting of the Council of Ministers began with discussion and approval of the draft new penal code. This draft code, which will soon be submitted to the People’s Assembly for approval, refers to the law “On the fundamental rights and freedoms of the human being” and is based on the experience of the criminal legislation of many European countries, international conventions and acts, the recommendations of the Council of Europe, as well as Albanian criminal legislation, adapted to Albania’s conditions, traditions and democratic developments. The general part of this code addresses the basic provisions governing the specific institutions of criminal law. Its special part sets out criminal offenses and the penalties for each of them. The draft decision on granting property compensation to former convicts and political persecuted persons was then approved, pursuant to Law No. 7748, as amended by Law No. 7771, “On the status of former convicts and political persecuted persons under the communist regime.” Under it, former convicts and political persecuted persons are assigned annual compensation of 120 thousand lekë, and the cases in which payment is made in cash, together with the corresponding amounts, are specified. Also approved were draft decisions authorizing the Enterprise Restructuring Agency to begin procedures for closing the nickel-cobalt complex in Elbasan and the soda plant in Vlora; a draft decision on fees for work and the licensing of crop-spraying vehicles; and a decision to reduce the overall number of district councils. At the end of the meeting, the draft decision approving in principle the loan agreement between the Government of the Republic of Albania and the OPEC Fund for International Development for the construction of the general hospital in Durres was approved, as was an amendment to the decision “On approval of the loan for construction of the agriculture sector Japanese Fund for Overseas Economic Cooperation.” ATA

“ZP” DISSATISFIED WITH THE RELEASE OF THE JOURNALISTS

President Berisha released four journalists from their sentences after they had violated Albanian laws. This act was welcomed by the majority of Albanians, who considered it a noble and humane gesture, but ... It is clear that the journalists at “ZP” did not much like such an act. The day after the journalists’ release, “ZP” continued protesting their imprisonment (it seems they hear about things late, or understand them late), while yesterday ... they protested their release. This whole attitude is clearer now: for “ZP” today, it is important to protest everything, just as it once praised everything. “ZP” protests in the morning because something rises, but that does not stop it from protesting its setting too. In any case, in this particular matter “ZP” has reason to be dissatisfied, since the journalists’ release deprives them of the opportunity to complain to international organizations about their imprisonment. Nevertheless, the “colleagues” at “ZP” need not despair; after all, until now they have written nothing but nonsense. What does it matter whether the journalists were released or not? What matters (for “ZP”) is that whatever happens in Albania, if the DP does it, it will undoubtedly be bad. Even if the prisons are closed altogether, if the DP is in power it will still be a dictatorship. Even if money starts growing out of the ground, if the DP is in power Albanians will still be poor. So only if the SP comes to power will Albanians truly be satisfied, as they once were, and will start shouting again in front of the Party-Enver or Nexhmije-Fatos stands. E. P.

THE “DEMOCRATIC” MODEL OF THE SP

-Day and night, DP propagandists with a red star in their hearts and “ZP” every morning scream: “We stand for true democracy.”- For some time now, the SP leadership, its scribblers and its daily paper “ZP” have been shouting at the top of their lungs that the regime established in Albania after the March 22 elections is not democratic; that individual freedoms are supposedly being violated; that the state has taken on the features of a military-police regime; that economic reform is being carried out backwards; that the misery of the working masses has deepened; and that there is no prospect for Albanians, who suffer, unemployed and without hope. Ultimately, then, the SP concludes that the DP and the state formed by it are incapable of establishing true democracy; it stresses “true democracy,” and says they are incapable of carrying out a sound reform that would open up prospects for the country’s economic development and bring it out of the crisis into which some communists, now disguised as members of the DP, had plunged it (God save us!), since the SP, as you know, has no connection whatsoever with the Party of Labor (there are no former communists in its ranks!), and that, although the current state is supposedly military-police in character, it is still unable to maintain public order and peace, and the fate of the other patriots and so on is uncertain. But where did all these unthinkable evils come from? Once again, the SP’s clever politicians and its press writers have the answer. They came because the DP took power, because its ranks include traitorous former communists who abandoned Enver’s teachings and refused to put on a socialist mask, according to their own carnival-like model, and instead openly declared themselves against the dictatorship and against its model of people’s democracy. That model is, ultimately, “the only true democracy”—a democracy that guarantees absolute political and economic power, provides workers with prosperity and permits for televisions and refrigerators (for distinguished workers, of course!) after they have completed the party’s distinguished activities; a party that day and night thinks and works for the people; guarantees agricultural workers plenty of bread made from corn flour, seven hundred grams a day, and a kilogram with water and a level measure outside our Maliq factory (sugar that does not smell of the sea); provides young people with jobs, more or less as it used to; while pensioners add to the burden of buying Luminal or Valium to sleep, because they are woken at two in the morning and made to queue to collect the food allotted according to ration cards. But this anachronistic people do not understand true, people’s democracy, nor those who are capable of building innocent socialism, since they have never been communists; and if things are really like this, they will accuse them of terrorism and so on. So, people, since the socialists have hung all their hopes on you, all you have to do is vote for them and save yourselves once and for all, because socialists know how to display their true potential only when they are in power (the original wording here is garbled), while they shout, “All power springs from the people and belongs to the people” (that is, to socialist leaders. My note). The concept of the SP leaders regarding new elections

Afterwards, to the sound of the national anthem, President Berisha and his family were seen off.

THE NEW PENAL CODE FOR ALBANIA