No Surçagjine, but when he saw the fall of the communist camp and the future of his party was completely dark, he seized the helm to carry out the maneuver, according to his old instruction from the red catwalk and with slavish servility. He called the December students “vandals” and insulted them publicly. It was obvious that he himself could not continue to stand at the head of the country, but he was creating the conditions for controlled rule. The June 1990 meeting of the PPSH Central Committee, where the new political measures were announced, was part of this tactic. He prepared the controlled transfer of power through a managed pluralism. He kept for himself the apparatus of violence, the Sigurimi, propaganda and control over the economy. At the same time, he appeared in public as a reformer. Within the framework of this strategy of delayed salvation, he allowed the creation of the first opposition parties only when there was no other path left. He chose to tolerate pluralism, but only to the extent that it did not touch the real power of the nomenklatura. He kept Ramizism as a transitional instrument to preserve the old elite. Thus, many people from the regime, with well-known names and direct ties to the state apparatus, suddenly presented themselves as democrats, social democrats or technocrats. The elections of 31 March 1991, prepared under the control of the old administration, were accompanied by manipulation, pressure, intimidation and the use of the entire state machine. The victory of the PPSH was presented as a free popular will, but in reality it was the product of a frightened and unprotected society. Later, in the crisis of 1991-1992, it became clear that the model of directed transition could no longer hold. The man who had risen to power in the shadow of Enver Hoxha remained, even at the end, tied to the logic of that system: to preserve the essence of power by any means, even when speaking of reforms. This is the paradox of Ramiz Alia: the man who claimed he would save the country from catastrophe in fact prolonged the agony of an order that had devastated the country, morality and hope.

-From President Berisha’s visit to Romania- ...s[?]

Perhaps the recent presidential elections, the absence of an opposition, the populist hurricane and the legalization of the spectacle’s victory by the entire American media have shifted the current situation in Bosnia to a different plane. In this climate, the Albanians of Kosovo have one more reason to feel abandoned. Everyone can see how their issue is being pushed aside, sidelined, left waiting. For them, this waiting is daily and dangerous. The Albanians of Kosovo, stifled by the repression of a regime that denies them elementary rights, watch anxiously as in Europe the logic of “stability” over justice is repeated. If the democratic world allows injustice to drag on, then it becomes complicit in its perpetuation. No one can ask an oppressed people to wait endlessly while its institutions, education, culture and the right to live freely are being destroyed. The policy of turning a blind eye to repression in Kosovo is not only a moral mistake; it is also a strategic blindness. Whoever thinks that peace can be preserved by allowing a people to be trampled does not understand that peace without justice is only a temporary pause before the explosion.

At the initiative of Albanian students in Macedonia, the first congress of the “Democratic Union of Albanian Youth” held its proceedings. At this gathering, attended by representatives from various cities, the problems of education, youth organization and democratic representation were discussed. The need for cooperation among Albanian youth in the defense of national and civic rights was emphasized. The participants assessed that the organization of youth is an important step toward strengthening the voice of Albanians in Macedonia. At the end, the organization’s platform was approved and the leadership structures were elected. Those present expressed their conviction that this initiative would make an important contribution to democratic processes.

The Albanian Adoption Committee announced that efforts are being made to strengthen the legal and institutional framework for adoptions. In one of the first cases of law enforcement, the first legal adoption within the country has been carried out. This case was welcomed as an important step for the protection of children’s rights and for the creation of an orderly practice in this field. Meanwhile, it was announced in the capital that 77.3 million lek will be made available for infrastructure works. The fund will be used to improve roads, drainage and urban services. Local authorities stressed that the investment aims to improve citizens’ lives and create better conditions for the city’s development.

Three-times-a-killer ... [the article text is illegible in the inverted image and with limited resolution][?]

(Continued in the previous issue) ... [long text, partly illegible in the central columns][?]

(Continued from page 3) ... [partially illegible text][?]

“Unwritten” and unheard[?] Cartoon