In E. Hoxha’s strategy to advertise himself as a champion of wisdom, foresight, justice and humanism—as the only man born and appointed to rule as an infallible and unquestionable sovereign, in order to maintain equilibrium—the figures of Mehmet Shehu and Ramiz Alia were also essential elements. They had been selected and condemned to appear on platforms as leading figures and, in reality, to serve in the leadership of the party and the state as parrots, free to do and say only what their master dictated or allowed. To create the impression that E. Hoxha was exceedingly humane, sentimental and merciful, M. Shehu was condemned to proclaim himself and appear as overbearing, savage, and ready to inflict physical and spiritual death on anyone who crossed his path in moments of hysteria. He had no difficulty playing this role, because he was born brave and committed many crimes. Among the people, the opinion had spread and grown stronger that if the leadership of the party and state were left to M. Shehu, Albania would become an even more terrifying hell than it already was, and would be drowned in blood. The subtext was clear: let us endure E. Hoxha to the very end, and hope he lives as long as possible, so that the day never comes when we are left under the claws of the terrifying M. Shehu. As his opposite, Enverist propaganda also sketched and advertised Ramiz Alia (especially after 1976, when it became clear that E. Hoxha, in a rapid and unstoppable process of decline and disintegration, would sooner or later become a puppet in Nexhmije Hoxha’s hands). The subtext of this maneuver was also easy to decipher. Mehmet Shehu is the devil; Ramiz Alia is the angel. Let us fear God and Enver on earth, so they leave the party and country in R. Alia’s hands. Thus, perhaps the fate and end of both men had been predetermined from the time they began their party careers. After the elimination of Hysni Kapo, precisely the two chosen gladiators remained on E. Hoxha’s chessboard, to fight for his favor [?] and to begin the battle of the scenario, the new engineers, publicists, agriculture students, emigrants, young people against violence, musicians and doctors, the “Gjergj Fishta” and “Lasgush Poradeci” groups, etc. The Democratic Youth Union sought to bring a new, serious and clean initiative into the youth sphere, one that would fulfill its mission: development. In addition to those mentioned, youth forums such as the PDSH also took part in founding the Democratic Youth Union. The next leadership, according to the established system, is entrusted to the thoughtful initiators, the Union and the Democratic Student Forum.

—From President Berisha’s visit to Romania— On Tuesday, President of the Republic of Romania Ion Iliescu hosted a dinner in honor of President Berisha at Cotroceni Palace. In their welcoming remarks, the two presidents expressed their desire and goodwill to further develop bilateral relations. On Saturday, regarding the situation in the Balkans, the presidents committed themselves to preventing the spread of the conflict through diplomatic policy and dialogue efforts, and to working for stability in the region. Yesterday morning, President Berisha began his program with a visit to a small church, over 200 years old, in central Bucharest, which has long been known as an Albanian church. Addressing the church’s priest, President Berisha said: “I have come to visit this church, which is a great symbol for all Albanians, because Albanian leaders from among the most illustrious figures of letters, the church and the political world are here…” [The source text continues with corrupted and seemingly unrelated material.] Two things cannot sing in one cage, as the people say. Both had become desirous of and ambitious for the one and only imperial throne. One would remain and enjoy it; M. Shehu had minimal chances. His career had begun with crimes and was filled with crimes, the fruit of orders or instructions from above, as well as his own initiative and actions. Ramiz Alia had been instructed and continually urged, including by himself, not to get stained—or to get stained as little as possible—in the mire of political and moral crime and corruption. This is a familiar experience, often applied in long-term operations to prepare people identified even 30–40 years earlier as heirs to thrones or the highest offices. In addition, R. Alia had the privilege of being Nexhmije Hoxha’s favorite. E. Hoxha too, more according to the UDBA’s scenario and his wife’s wishes or will than his own judgment, sacrificed the most praised and exalted figure, M. Shehu, so that his chosen successor, R. Alia, could survive and inherit his scepter. Thus, neither fate, nor chance, nor his ability was what raised Ramiz Alia to Zeus’s throne. It was thought that, with his experience and the image he enjoyed, R. Alia would find it easier to rule in the turbulent aftermath of his mentor E. Hoxha and to carry through to the end the path or plan begun on 8 November 1941 under the strict supervision of Tito’s emissaries. But, unfortunately for his personal titan and those who had pinned their hopes on him, R. Alia did not have the strength or courage to bear for long the heavy burden left to him. From birth, or acquired later, he had a complex of vices, shortcomings and deficiencies in his character or personality that made him a submissive and obedient tool of E. Hoxha. These traits were displayed openly, or he was unable to restrain them, throughout nearly 50 years of his political career. Cowardice, lack of courage and initiative, censorship or self-censorship imposed by his participation—as a principal, extra or spectator—in collective crimes, immoral adventures and ventures condemned by national interests, knowledge and prospects, made him a man of words in the dark, not deeds; of intrigue, not of taking risks openly; of hypocrisy and demagoguery, not sincerity and transparency. He manifested these traits fully, especially during the period when he led the P.B. and the state. He had extraordinary, unrepeatable, historic opportunities to bring a new era to Albania before the other Eastern countries, and to save the country from the hell of socialism much earlier. His refusal of the helping hand extended by Strauss and West Germany for cooperation was a historic mistake, fault and crime by Ramiz Alia. This act completely discredits his image and defines his personality as a ruler and politician. He has tried to justify himself by presenting himself as powerless in the face of pressure from conservative Enverist bureau members. This is simply a pure demagogic maneuver, which convinces neither foreigners nor, much less, Albanians, who know R. Alia, Pali Miska, Adil Çarçani, Lenka Çuko, Simon Stefan, Hekuran Isai, Hajredin Çeliku, Qirjako Milahli, Llambi Gegprifti, Muho Allajlan and Vangjel Çerven well. It is true that at that time they held high party and state posts, but in front of the party and state leader they were accustomed to thinking and acting like puppets or robots. All the more so because they knew perfectly well that Ramiz Alia had been chosen as successor by E. Hoxha himself and was the most trusted and privileged man of Nexhmije Hoxha as well. And yet he again told Strauss “no.” It is clear that he did not want to, not that he was prevented. Albania had to remain isolated, underdeveloped and powerless. Thus…”

Your Excellency’s election to the post of Prime Minister, as well as the formation of the government cabinet that you will lead, give me particular pleasure and allow me to send you my warmest congratulations. On this occasion, I wish you success in your high mission for the benefit of the Italian people, and express my conviction that the closeness that exists between the parties you lead and the government I currently head will help strengthen the traditional friendship that binds our two peoples, and allows me to affirm that this friendship will rise to an even higher level.

—After calling for Nano’s release, “ZP” calls for Alia’s release— In truth, this is not the first time the PS has come to Alia’s defense. R. Alia, elected President with the votes of the PP, would soon become a President of the PS (on 10 June ’91). Every Albanian knows well what E. Hoxha’s right-hand man represents; those killed at the border know it, as do the prisoners and internees imprisoned on Alia’s orders, and the clergy and intellectuals persecuted by him. Nevertheless, the “unrenewed newspaper of the renewed party” did not hesitate to call for R. Alia’s release as well—not in the form of an ultimatum, as it did for chairman Nano, but without forgetting to call his imprisonment “an undemocratic act” by Berisha’s regime. “Mandela or de Klerk”—writes “ZP,” seeking to draw a parallel between De Klerk, former President of South Africa, and the former communist President Alia. De Klerk constitutionalized the first multiracial elections in South Africa, but Albanians know very well what Hoxha and Alia constitutionalized in Albania. The former communists’ propaganda claims that democracy in Albania was brought by Alia and Nano are already familiar, but it is not clear whom they are trying to convince with this propaganda. Only those who called the dictatorship of the proletariat “the highest stage of democracy” can understand democracy enforced with tanks and truncheons, with blood and curses. But it seems this is one of the methods the PS’s propaganda has found to make the Alia–Nano connection as little discreditable as possible. They do not understand that this approach discredits them even more, because by calling the arrest of the criminal Alia undemocratic, they force people to draw a parallel with the former communists’ propaganda concerning Nano’s conviction. Thus, if Alia’s sentence is “undemocratic,” then Nano’s sentence is just as “democratic.”

Tirana–Valias “The belt conveyor at the Valias coal mine has been burned”; “a crime resulting in the mine’s definitive destruction”—this news is reported by “ZP,” and what has been said above is a legitimate concern, but… As always, “ZP” is not concerned with solving problems but with causing them. After describing the situation “ZP” writes, in place of the mine: “…the paradox is extraordinary. Although the economic situation of the workers is very difficult, there is no reaction at all. Yet, as soon as the conveyor’s destruction became known, the situation will become even worse.” “ZP” is openly calling for the workers to “react”; it wants the miners of Valias to “act in accordance with the PS’s voice” and respond to the worsening situation. They know very well what Valias represents for democracy and recognize the decisive role of the miners in overthrowing communism and establishing democracy; that is why they are trying to incite their revolt in particular, to create stronger political capital. But here too they are mistaken. They are wrong for two reasons: first, the miners of Valias will never become soldiers of the PS, especially since the democratic government cannot forget them; and second (which is their gravest mistake), they reveal that it is they, the former communists, who are seeking to incite unrest in order to achieve their aims. “So far, nothing is known about the perpetrators of this crime and the reasons that led them to commit it,” concludes “ZP.” Is it not made quite clear in the preceding paragraph, written by “ZP” itself, who stands to gain from the situation worsening and from the workers reacting? By burning the conveyor, the situation of the mine and the miners worsens, and after that they are supposed to react (as “ZP” says), that is, protest against the government. Could it be any clearer who has an interest in such a crime? EDI PALOKA

The Albanian Adoption Committee completed the first regular adoption in accordance with the adoption law approved by Parliament. The chair of the Committee, Dr. Ilmie Mara, told ATSH that, two years after the extraordinary corruption in adoptions, which had been suspended, “we will now carry out lawful adoptions.” The first adoption, made by an Albanian family, confirms our Committee’s commitment to carrying out adoptions within the country.

The Ministry of Construction, Housing and Territorial Planning recently allocated the Municipality of Tirana a budget of 77.3 million lekë for the construction and reconstruction of roads, sewerage systems and green spaces in the capital, to be carried out during 1994. Zigur Ceprati, head of municipal services at the Municipality of Tirana, told ATSH that a considerable portion of this fund is earmarked for road improvement and asphalting—24 million—and for improving heating in the “Studenti” district—22 million new lekë. The budget also provides for investments in constructing and improving the capital’s sewer network, financing construction work on the Lana bridge, which is still under construction, and building new parks and gardens.

(Vaccination against jaundice) Yesterday, vaccination of newborn babies against jaundice—viral Hepatitis “B”—began at Tirana’s maternity hospital. This vaccine provides complete protection for children against this disease throughout their lives. This is a great gift to Albanian children from “Rotary Club International Italian.” Such vaccination has never before been carried out for our children during the past fifty years. In the presence of Albanian doctors, 12 Italian Rotarian doctors, the Governor of Rotary District 2090, Mr. Giorgio Rossi, and Dr. Giovanni Gara, President of the “Life for Albania” project, vaccination began for the first Albanian children, born at 6:40, 7:15 and 8:00. They were children from Vaqarr and the city of Tirana. Vaccination is continuing. The first consignment of this vaccine, valued at 72,000 US dollars (for the first two months only), was distributed to all districts of the country under the care of the Ministry of Health and Environmental Protection. DR. FLAMUR TARTARI President of the “Life for Albania” Project Commission at the “Rotary Club” of Tirana

Two years have passed since March ’92. In the elections held then, every electoral constituency sent its representative to Parliament. During the election campaign, the candidates for Parliament (regardless of the party they represented) promised their electorate frequent meetings. The people of Mallakastër voted; a little more than half of them (51%) voted for Kastriot Islami. The rest voted for the Democratic Party’s candidate. In retrospect, this is of little importance. The candidates who received the most votes—the PS and PD candidates for Mallakastër—were both intellectuals with the academic degree of “Doctor”… The candidates for Parliament went around freely talking up a storm. They promised frequent meetings and constant attention to the people’s problems. But the people do not vote unanimously, and…the votes were divided. Half of those who voted did not trust the Socialist Party’s representative, but he still went to Parliament because he had a few more votes “in favor.” And so, in its first year of work, Parliament also had Mallakastër’s elected representative as a member. From time to time he spoke or took part in exchanges during sessions, but he never mentioned the name of the constituency he represented. Perhaps he was angry that he had not received 100% of the votes, or thought that he had been elected by only half of those who voted. Since the elections, Islami has said that he visited Mallakastër only once, when the party was collecting signatures, and even then almost “illegally.” After that, he forgot which constituency he represented in the People’s Assembly. We are sure that even if he came to the villages (of the area) and asked around, people would wonder which group the deputy represented. In short, he would not be involved in solving our problems, of which we inherited so many. Still, he should have come; he should have come for the sake of those who trusted him, even if they were only half the voters. To everyone’s surprise, the former PD candidate for Parliament, although he did not win the mandate, often comes to Mallakastër and meets with people. And yet we, the people of Mallakastër, ask: Where is the deputy who promised us so much?! MALO KASTRA

“The persecuted ones” of Parliament

At the initiative of the two largest student organizations, the Student Union and the Democratic Student Forum, a promotional meeting for the Albanian Democratic Youth Union, a new organization in Albania’s democratic youth movement, was held in recent days. The scope for cooperation among young people, for a new concept of life and society, for cultivating traditions and scientific and cultural advancement, for safeguarding and fostering peace, tolerance and understanding, and for creating a courageous and civilized generation—combined with the initiative against every form of violence and discrimination, and against drugs, AIDS and prostitution—was recognized as a necessity and made it possible to reach a compromise for realistic and close cooperation. Considering this essential for comprehensive national progress and for the development of democracy as an institution, reform and concept, the Democratic Youth Union expresses the will of Albania’s democratic youth, conceived in the movement of December ’90, for full economic and cultural integration into the bonds of European civilization. On these political, social and cultural concepts, the Democratic Youth Union is being established as the largest coordinating organization of Albania’s democratic youth, with the support of dozens of students organized in various associations and organizations. Founded on the basis of free will, it brings together, alongside the two initiating organizations, other associations of young people who were formerly persecuted, young engineers, publicists, agriculture students, emigrants, young people against violence, musicians and doctors, the “Gjergj Fishta” and “Lasgush Poradeci” groups, etc. The Democratic Youth Union seeks to bring a new, serious and clean initiative into the youth sphere, one intended to fulfill its mission: development. In addition to those already mentioned, youth forums such as the PDSH also participated in founding the Democratic Youth Union. The next leadership, according to the established system, is entrusted to the thoughtful initiators, the Union and the Democratic Student Forum. INDEPENDENT STUDENT UNION DEMOCRATIC STUDENT FORUM

All members of the Executive Board of the PDSH Youth Forum are hereby notified that the next meeting of the FRPD Executive Board will be held on Friday, 13.05.1994, at 10:00, at the PDSH central headquarters. FRPD SPOKESPERSON