For 45 years, inspired by the most perverse ideals of communism and nourished by the most macabre cuisine of socialism, R.Alia rose from a minor youth leader to the summit of the Stalinist pyramid. Born with communism and raised on its experiments, he now has only to part from it quickly and abruptly as communism collapses. Alia, a synonym for the demagogic, long-winded political man, servant and executioner, lived a long career of dreams and disappointments. Now, after his political failure, he has to take stock of his life, which, although he presents it positively in interviews, is all too clearly negative. R.Alia committed a political crime against his own people. From the moment he and E.Hoxha’s criminal clan took the initiative to Stalinize Albania, they established not a democratic Albanian state, but the burial of democracy, the imprisonment of freedom, and the triumph of torture. As party secretary and an ideologue of propaganda, Alia, more than any of Enver’s other loyalists, knew how to eliminate political rivals. His treachery after the 4th Plenum and the 1956 Conference spared neither his direct subordinates nor even his closest friends and comrades. Educated in Moscow Stalinism, he became the dictator’s right-hand man, naturally fulfilling the obligations of such a friendship. The initiator of the revolutionization of the arts and literature, a supporter of the struggle against religion and an enemy of modernizing life along Western lines, Alia did not spare even his own brother on his shameful road of political crime. Neither he nor his comrades were content merely to raise a hand in “favor” of the Politburo’s macabre decisions; with unwavering loyalty, he gave the crime his trust and institutionalized it. R.Alia committed an ordinary criminal act against his own people. Of course, he did not turn machine guns on his own people as Sh.Pçi or M.Shehu did, but, long after their time, he ordered the macabre execution of A.Nele (1988), ordered killings at the border (1986), and, together with the Politburo, ordered the killings in the so-called Soviet embassy incident, and so on. With hatred for justice and unparalleled loyalty to crime, throughout his career Alia ordered thousands of confiscations, killings, arrests, tortures, internments and massacres, which individually and collectively constitute an unjustifiable crime against his own people. R.Alia committed a psychological crime against Albanians. A sworn fighter against democracy, at every moment of his political career, by every means and along every path, he imposed the dictates of his life and purpose. Through internments, killings, deportations, etc., he sought to frighten people whose instinct was to resist. Every visit he made to Albanian cities, especially in the years 1981–89, was accompanied by dozens of arrests, supposedly of hostile groups plotting against him. R.Alia committed a national crime against his own people. He never once opposed E.Hoxha’s anti-Albanian policy; on the contrary, he amplified it and wove hymns and legends around it. With his vote at the head of the PPSH, he left Çameria and Kosovo outside Albanian territories. With his signature and vote, he arrested, imprisoned and interned those Albanians from Kosovo who crossed the border into Albania under Serbian pressure. With his signature and vote, he massacred the precious cultural and historical values of our people. With his signature and vote, communist courts sentenced or interned all those citizens who, for 40 consecutive years, dared to denounce the musical and informational broadcasts of Radio-Prishtina. R.Alia committed a social crime against his own people. After subjecting them to the most deranged experiments of a human era, from collectivization and cooperatives to the merciless ration coupon, Alia, at the head of the state, implemented self-management, the “village” reform, and later, under pluralism, the reform of the total destruction of the economy. The years of his rule are among the poorest years this century has known for any European people at this stage of development. R.Alia violated his people’s dreams. When they sought rebirth, Alia snarled at them, demanding loyalty. When they sought unity with Europe, he attacked them with the police and declared them enemies. When they sought pluralism, he struck them with rubber batons and tear gas. When they sought democracy, he killed in Shkodër and Tirana, Fier and Elbasan. When they asked for bread, he burned them in Fush-Arrëz. When they sought civilization, he closed the only national university. When they sought liberation from dictators, he sent the chains of tanks and the curses of communists against them. When they sought a chance to survive, he drove them into hunger strikes throughout Albania. When they sought true freedom, he succeeded in degrading the idea of freedom and dignity. The confrontation between the people and Alia advanced so far that, in the days when he was president of the communists, thousands upon thousands of citizens, young people, the elderly and workers filled Albania’s squares, chanting: “We want Albania without Ramiz Alia.” That was the end of the adventure of the man who was born and raised with communism, who led it, loved it and cultivated it with practices, ideas and means among the most macabre known in the history of the Albanian people. Thus, his whole life placed him in the favored position of a red commissar, executioner of his own people. Now not only the people and justice, not only the past and the future, but the entire history of this people, massacred while innocent, accuses him. It is the accusation of God, of the Almighty. A.MORINA The Almighty. R. Alia at the head of the state, [text corrupted] the Almighty. A.MORINA They were content with a pro-forma show of hands in the macabre decisions of the Political Bureau, but with insane loyalty he gave his confidence to crime and institutionalized it. R. Alia committed an ordinary crime against his own people. Naturally, they did not come out with machine guns against their own people like Sh.Peci or M.Shehu, but late in their time he ordered the macabre death

President Berisha concludes his visit to Romania Albanian President Sali Berisha and Romanian President Ion Iliesku signed the Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation between the two countries in Bucharest. They also signed agreements on trade, investment and technical cooperation. Immediately after signing the official documents at Cotroceni Palace, President Ion Iliesku and Sali Berisha made brief statements to the press. President Iliesku described the Albanian president’s visit to Romania as “short, but fruitful,” emphasizing the political importance of the meetings held in Bucharest, which “express the will of our countries to develop the traditional relations that unite us.” Expressing his conviction that the treaty signed in Bucharest “will stimulate bilateral relations,” the Romanian head of state emphasized the need for the two countries to cooperate actively on the path toward “integration into the European community, as a sure way to establish stability in the Balkans and in Europe.” “The Balkans are not distinguished only by conflicts; there are forces here working toward friendship and integration,” Albanian President Sali Berisha said in turn. He described Albania and Romania as Balkan countries working toward “understanding, mutual cooperation and European integration.” The Albanian president also spoke about the role the two countries could play in “preventing conflicts that threaten the region.” At the close of his statement, President Berisha expressed his gratitude for “the assistance Romania has given Albania throughout history” and noted his confidence in the future of relations between Albania and Romania. He said that Romanian President Ion Iliesku’s forthcoming visit to Albania would bring the two countries closer and consolidate bilateral relations. The President of the Republic of Albania concluded his official visit to Romania and departed from Bucharest.

At a joint meeting of the strikers in Kukës and representatives of the association of people displaced by Lake Fierzë, a joint committee was established. Yesterday, this committee met in Tirana with Prime Minister Meksi and members of his government. At the start of the meeting, the strikers’ representatives emphasized that their strike had no political aim whatsoever, but was solely economic. During the discussion, the strikers once again presented their problems and demands. The government representatives clarified that all problems that could be resolved, on the basis of the studies conducted, would soon be addressed according to the prepared projects being handled by the working groups. After the planned concrete solutions had been discussed, a joint document was drawn up by the strikers and government representatives covering everything discussed and agreed upon. “RD” correspondent RD, 13 May 1994

The village of Metaj. Metaj is one of the 10 villages in the Municipality of Libofshë, with a population of around 600. When you set off for Metaj, someone tells you: “The road is difficult; you need a high-clearance vehicle.” For 50 years, the farmers of Metaj, Dërnenas, Adriatik and the whole municipality asked for the roads to be repaired and paved. The PP officials promised [text unclear] and the distribution of livestock in Metaj. Alongside the land, he says, today each family has an average of two cows, around 20 turkeys, a few small livestock, etc. “We eat only wheat bread,” Mr. Çuni continues, “while electric stoves, refrigerators and televisions have become widely used.” Teacher Koçi expresses satisfaction with the work being done—and with the drinking-water reservoir, which will meet the needs of the municipality. But I learned in Metaj that 15 people—specifically Jovan Koci, Agim Ferra, Vangjel Libofsha, Marsi Trifon Ferra, Vlash Nikoll Ferra, Lulzim Çuni, Alma Çuni, Vasilika Libofsha, Yllka Koçi, Arqile Ferra, Ardian Gjino, Altin Zaka, Aristir Mita, Dhurata Dhamo and Adelina Drizaku—had been accepted [text unclear] according to the capacity and needs of the population of the whole municipality. Thus, another DP promise is being fulfilled. As Mrs. Koci speaks, for a moment I think of the daily articles in ZP, with their accusations of deception and electoral tricks by the DP. They write from their offices, I remarked to her for a moment; perhaps they are waiting for the government to pave the roads before coming to see for themselves... But only for a moment, because I remembered that their leaders, Dokle, Bufi and Co., had not been absent from this municipality that day. Apart from slander and accusations of corruption against government officials, when a farmer asked, “What does the PS promise for the development of the Municipality of Libofshë?”, they had answered: “Nothing. The PS is not in power.” As I took leave of the teachers Çuni and Koci, they expressed to me their own and the farmers of Metaj’s regard for the DP candidate for mayor of Libofshë, Mr. Nikollaq Filipi. They had told me in Fier that Metaj and Adriatik are strongholds of The 10 villages of inhabitants. As the villagers of Metaj, Dernenas, Adriatik and the whole municipality have asked for the roads to be repaired and paved. It was promised by PP officials and later by PS, but...”. And they do not forget to add that at a meeting with leaders of the PD and the Democratic Government, the requests and promises were repeated once again. And... you see that this time work on the road has begun. You see trucks carrying gravel and dozens of people working. I stop and ask them. “We are from the ‘EGNATIA KONSTRUKSION’ company,” one of them replies. We are putting to use the funds allocated for filling and paving the road. The company’s president, Mr. Eqerem Kollçaku, is personally supervising the progress of the work. Further on, towards Metaj. While the farmers are working, I happen to meet Mr. Pandeli Zaka, former chairman of the land-distribution commission. He confirms to “RD” that the land has been distributed in full, at a rate of 5.2 dynym per person. Taking advantage of the end of the school year, I talk with the teachers at the village primary school, Mr. Mihal Çuni and Mrs. Yllka Koci. Although I asked them for their views only on the village’s current economic situation, Mr. Çuni cannot resist the temptation to denounce the well-known socialist village and 15 people, specifically Jovan Koci, Agim Ferra, Vangjel Libofsha, Marsi Trifon Ferra, Vllashi Nikolli Ferra, Lulzim Çuni, Alma Çuni, Vasilika Libofsha, Yllka Koci, Arqile Ferra, Ardian Gjino, Altin Zaka, Aristir Mita, Dhhurata Dhamo and Adelina Drizaku, had been admitted to the PDSH no more than a day earlier. Ndernenas. In Ndernenas, at the home of Mr. Uan Zaka, talking with him I would learn that the economic conditions were the same as in Metaj, while the amount of land allotted per person was 6.7 dynym. Although the fear of PP (S)?s deceptions had not yet left the residents of Ndernenas, optimism about the road was clearly felt when Mr. Zeka told me: “Thanks to the government and the PD, because, however you put it, the road is life for a person.” Look and judge, he went on to tell me: even those who had no bread have got a refrigerator, while everyone has a black-and-white TV. Some, including Mr. Zaka, had preferred a Samsung colour television. “Ask me about Mr. Nikollaq,” he replied to another question. “He is a good man and is respected for his work and his conduct.” Mrs. Arta Gjergo, a teacher in the village of Agim, shares this opinion. In Ndernenas I would also meet the sturdy, home-loving man, Mr. Marko Vervuari. Since you’re going to write (Continued on page 4)

Elections in Hungary—a continuation of democratic processes. The analogy that someone might draw between the two countries and the two parties does not hold! It is true that the world followed with interest the recent elections in Hungary, where the Socialist Party (formerly communist) won a majority: [the text is corrupted here; it appears to refer to the standard of living, unemployment, inflation, etc.] So far there is nothing surprising: in a pluralist, democratic system, parties changing positions from government to opposition and vice versa is one of the most ordinary phenomena, not only in post-communist countries but also in countries that are more economically developed and have consolidated democracies. But what we want to address in this article is something altogether different: since we too are going through a difficult period of transition and also have a socialist party doing everything possible to bring about early elections, it is being suggested that victory will smile on it too, by analogy with Hungary and other times when the heirs of communist parties won. The question therefore arises: does this analogy hold? Is there a chance that the “renewed” socialists will win here too, whenever elections are held?! The campaign launched by our socialists is accompanied by attractive promises, which become even more appealing amid this difficult transition. That we would have problems, we all knew. Only some naive person with no understanding of economics or politics might have thought that this transition would be easy; it is another matter that the difficulties might not have been so severe, the pace might have been faster, the disappointments fewer, the euphoria less, and so on—issues that each deserve separate treatment. Here we will focus only on the analogy being drawn between the two countries, which has made quite a few of our people rub their hands with glee. I’ll state my view from the outset: absolutely not! The analogy does not hold, for the same reason that Hungary is as far from us in economic, political and social development, etc., as our Socialist Party is from the Hungarian one. And here is why: First: After the Second World War, Hungary and Albania were not equally distant from Europe in terms of economic development, living standards, political culture, etc. Consequently, the communist parties and their leaders in the respective countries faced different problems, for better and for worse. E.Hoxha’s totalitarianism cannot even be compared with that of M.Rakoshi. Second: The events of ’56 in Hungary were indeed crushed by Khrushchev’s tanks, but we should not overlook two things: those bloody events replaced Rakoshi’s Stalinist leadership team with a much more moderate one, headed by Kadar, the former dissident, if I am not mistaken, just out of prison. E.Hoxha’s “godfathers,” Tito and Stalin, had virtually nothing in common with Kadar’s “godfather,” Khrushchev, who, despite whatever faults he may have had, was the first to break through the Stalinist armor. With all this as a preamble, I wanted to say that the predecessors of today’s Albanian and Hungarian socialist parties differed greatly from one another. In his works, “our Enver” himself had nothing but criticism for Kadar’s revisionist party, calling it the most “degenerate” among its counterparts as it turned toward the West. The fact is that Hungary, the first among the communist countries of the East, not only understood the ineffectiveness of the Soviet-style centralized socialist economy, but also undertook liberalizing reforms in good time, introducing into them genuine elements of a market economy. I will not go into detail about these reforms, as I am no expert. So much has been said and discussed about the Hungarian reforms that I state with conviction that

At the end of last week, smugglers managed to take six fuel tankers into Montenegro, but on their return they were spotted and stopped by law-enforcement forces as they were re-entering Albanian territory. The smugglers arrange the passage of fuel into Montenegro through the border police post sector in the village of Murriqan, about 20 km from Shkodra. The road is little used, but has long been suspected of involvement in oil smuggling. The six drivers of the fuel tankers were stopped by police in this case. Four are from the city of Elbasan, one from the city of Vlorë and the other from Patos. As the Shkodra police station announced, they were detained because they “transported oil and other fuels to Montenegro in collaboration with others, crossing through Murriqan.” The following day, Sunday, Fejzi Tahiri, a non-commissioned officer at the Murriqan border post through which the six oil tankers had passed, was detained. “While on duty,” the Shkodra police station’s statement says, “he allowed the six fuel tankers to cross into Yugoslavia and return to the country.” Thus, within the past week, two cases of fuel smuggling into Montenegro through border police posts have been uncovered. Only three or four days before the Murriqan incident, police discovered two fuel tankers going to Montenegro through the border crossing at Pulaj in Velipojë. In this case too, the smugglers had little difficulty crossing the border, since they had already managed to secure the cooperation of the service unit at the Pulaj border police post. Police detained five soldiers from the service unit on the grounds that they had “collaborated with Albanian citizens and allowed two tankers to cross.” The border post officer in Pulaj, Çesk Marku, was also detained. He had left his post at the entrance to a building and, contrary to regulations, had failed to inspect the border service units. These acts of negligence consequently allowed fuel to be smuggled through this section of Albania’s state border. ATSH

HOW MUCH THE GARBAGE AND DOGS IN THE CITY HAVE INCREASED... Ruke 94

To His Excellency Mr. Berlusconi, Prime Minister of the Republic of Italy. To His Excellency Mr. Berlusconi Prime Minister of the Republic of Italy Tirana, 12 May 1994 I offer you my heartfelt congratulations on your high and important office as Prime Minister, as well as on the formation of the Cabinet of Ministers that you will lead. The Albanian Democratic Party is convinced that “Forza Italia” and the centre-right alliance, which you led to success during the election campaign, are a guarantee of success in governing your country. The Albanian Democratic Party, being a centre-right party and holding, together with its allies, an absolute majority in the Albanian Parliament, considers the party you lead and its allies reliable partners in the efforts to consolidate true democracy against corruption and the phenomena that accompany it. I hope that cooperation between our two parties, as parties in government, will be successful and serve to bring our two neighboring peoples, who enjoy a traditional friendship and mutual understanding, closer still. Respectfully, Eduard Selami