Mr. Eduard Selami in Zall-Herr: . The chairman of the PDSH, Mr. Eduard Selami, went to the municipality of Zall-Herr, where he saw all the lands [vçant[a?]] with the residents of the villages of Çerkezë, Tapizë and Zall-Herr in the municipality of Zall-Herr. “I AM GLAD THAT NOW YOU HAVE THE OPPORTUNITY TO RAISE ISSUES COURAGEOUSLY,” said the deputy. Shaban Memia introduced the candidate for mayor, Zegzim Lila, who then spoke briefly about the main objectives of his program, in which issues such as the implementation of the land law, the supply of drinking water, improvement of the irrigation system, treatment of roads, and fair distribution of economic assistance stood out. There were many complaints from the villagers about the latter. Although this year the government increased the economic assistance fund by 50 percent, from 8,000 thousand lekë to 1,200 thousand lekë, partiality was still shown, unjustly favoring some families that should not have qualified for assistance. Regarding the villagers’ concern about the maintenance of irrigation canals, deputy Shaban Memia explained to them that this concern was known and that an excavator would begin work in the coming days. Taking the floor at the meeting, Mr. Selami thanked those present for the trust shown by the residents of this area, who voted around 80% for the PD, and emphasized: “The problems you raise are not new to us. There are many problems troubling you that we are committed to solving. And I think that in these two years, quite a lot has been done. I am glad that you now have the opportunity to speak up so that all your problems can be resolved. Insist on the rigorous implementation of this law.” Responding to residents’ concerns about drinking water, the candidate for mayor explained that it would not be difficult to bring them drinking water with the 200 metres of pipe required. As for the fair distribution of economic assistance, Mr. Ylli Vejsiu told those present: “You are the masters of your municipality, and you must agree among yourselves on how to distribute this assistance. If there are cheats, it is you who must let us know so that we can intervene and put a stop to abuses. In any case,” he said, “our doors are open; come and inform us.” “THE GOVERNMENT MUST TAKE A FIRM STANCE ON UNAUTHORIZED BUILDINGS.” The discussants strongly raised the issue of the unplanned movement of some villagers from the northern area, who have abandoned [unclear] with unauthorized construction on this side. Mr. Selami agreed with them on this point, stressing that we must ask the government not to squander your [unclear]. We support the movement of people, but these movements must be organized, since we are living in a period when unorganized movements confront us with numerous social problems. We are not for anarchy, but for a state governed by law. Such a state cannot function by avoiding displeasing this or that person. Therefore, we will insist that the government’s stance on preventing unauthorized construction be firm and clear. [The text continues with a passage about measures taken in the interests of farmers:] It was undertaken in the farmer’s interest: so that he could obtain [land], grow wheat and sell it at higher prices, earning income for himself while providing bread for the city. Indeed, to be fair, we raised the price of bread on the eve of the local elections, a time the socialists exploited to manipulate voters. That is how we acted now with the increase in the price of electricity. We could have done this before the elections too, but this shows that Democrats are neither [unclear] nor hypocrites. They have a program that they are determined to carry through to the end. The destructive opposition is now playing the same tune about the price of electricity, but, as with bread, it will be proved wrong. You will understand that raising electricity prices will benefit the economy as a whole and, consequently, you too. If any of you is experiencing hardship because of this government measure, here is the candidate for mayor. As soon as he is elected, let him draw up a list for compensation for those families who are temporarily affected by this concern. “THE SYSTEM WE ARE BUILDING IS FOR THE WORKER, NOT THE IDLER.” “One of you,” said Mr. Selami, “raised the issue of economic assistance. You must understand that assistance is assistance and, as such, it is temporary. We cannot leave the land [unclear] and give you economic assistance. This assistance should be effective only for those families that truly need it. Because if we continued providing assistance without criteria, we would knowingly encourage idleness. But you must understand that the system we are building… is a system for the worker, not the idler. It is natural for there to be very rich people, rich people, people of average means, and poor people. We should never resent someone who becomes rich honestly. But as for someone who abuses [the system], let…” (Continued on page 2) The residents of this area have expressed themselves by voting around 80% for the PD, he stressed, and the problems you are raising are not new to us. There are many issues that concern you and that we have committed ourselves to resolving. And I think that not little has been done in these two years. speak up so that all the difficulties you face can be resolved. Questions were then taken: —THE LAND LAW WILL NOT CHANGE— —Will the land law change?—was one question. —No,—said Mr. Selami. The PD will continue to be in favour of

President Berisha received a group of Swiss parliamentarians at a cordial meeting. The President thanked the deputies for their high regard for the development of democracy and market-economy reforms in Albania. In particular, he expressed his gratitude for the assistance provided by the Swiss government and people during this period of transition. President Berisha acquainted the parliamentarians with the successful progress of democracy, economic reforms and human rights in Albania. In particular, he addressed the treatment of the Greek minority in Albania, which enjoys all the rights and freedoms of Albanian citizens, but is becoming the target of manipulation by Greek ultranationalist and chauvinist circles. Referring to the crisis in the region, Mr. Berisha described it as very serious and once again expressed Albania’s determination to exercise restraint and pursue dialogue, as well as not to change borders by force. Dialogue on the Kosovo issue between Belgrade and Prishtina, in the presence of a third party, would be particularly important. The parliamentarians praised these positions of Albania and expressed their support for a peaceful solution in the Balkans. PRESS AND INFORMATION OFFICE AT THE PRESIDENCY

—Statement by the spokesperson of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs— TIRANA: On 24 May, Albania’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Alfred Serreqi, received the ambassador of the Republic of Greece, Kristos Caliqis, at the latter’s request. The Greek ambassador presented the Albanian foreign minister with a démarche on behalf of the Greek government concerning the charges brought by the Albanian Ministry of Public Order against six members of the Greek minority for possession of weapons without a permit and illegal activity against the territorial integrity of the Albanian state, in cooperation with the Greek Secret Service. The Greek government’s démarche states, among other things, that in this situation it is not possible to hold the planned meeting between Albanian and Greek officials, much less a meeting between the foreign ministers of the two countries. Albanian Foreign Minister Alfred Serreqi rejected the Greek side’s démarche, calling it a hasty reaction and an expression of the Greek government’s lack of goodwill for conducting constructive dialogue. He stressed that the statement concerning the six individuals in question was not issued by the Ministry of Public Order, but by the Tirana Prosecutor’s Office, and said it was surprising that the Greek government [confon[d]?] these two institutions, which are separate by law in Albania and independent of one another. Minister Serreqi stressed that the Greek government’s action, or démarche, was entirely unacceptable and constituted interference in the internal affairs of Albania’s independent courts and prosecutors’ offices, which will conduct a fair and impartial trial in accordance with the laws of the Albanian state. Among other things, Minister Serreqi pointed out to the Greek ambassador that the Albanian state treats its citizens not on the basis of ethnic affiliation and that, during the trial—which will be open—evidence will be presented and assessed objectively, professionally and with full transparency by the independent court. The Greek side, and no one else, has the right to prejudge Albanian justice. The Albanian government confirms its readiness to continue contributing to the resolution, through bilateral dialogue, of all disagreements between the two countries, and will also remain open to commissions or missions of the CSCE, the EU, the Security Council or other international institutions interested in contributing to their resolution. The spokesperson expresses suspicion that the cancellation of the meeting between the two foreign ministers proposed by the Albanian side and accepted by the Greek side many days after the six accused were announced—and the Greek side’s use of the Tirana Prosecutor’s Office announcement as a pretext, treating it as an announcement by the Ministry of Public Order—has more to do with domestic problems and electoral fever in Greece, and is an expression of the Greek government’s constant nervousness at the Albanian government’s intensive efforts for broader cooperation and stability in the region. ATSH

The PS, desperate beyond measure at the progress of democratic processes in Albania, is using its mouthpiece, “ZP,” to conduct devilish propaganda in order to obscure these achievements somewhat. It goes so far as to say that things may be set up and built just to get votes, that the health centre in Zall-Herr, the [unclear] and the cleaning of the irrigation canals there are being done for the election campaign, and so on. It is unfortunate for them that there were no municipal elections in the area where Coca-Cola was inaugurated, or the Democratic Government would have been “accused” of doing that for the election campaign too! It is unfortunate for them that immediately after the elections [unclear] had declared that the PS was campaigning, whereas now, without a shred of shame, it propagandizes and the socialist leadership “accuses” the Democratic Government of making investments for the election campaign. According to them, no investment should be made in areas where mayoral elections are to be held, so that the PS can win. This is the PS’s logic: while relying on the benefits of socialism, it insults the “rotten” capitalist [world], in order to [unclear] its power. But the people saw clearly what socialism was and where the “rotten” capitalist world has gone… Just as they are seeing through the PS’s devilish propaganda, within a few years they will understand where the democratic processes founded on the PD platform will lead. In this context, the PS is right when it “accuses” us of campaigning. Yes, the PD and the Democratic Government are campaigning for the 1996 elections. The only difference is that the PS campaigns with empty promises and illegal rallies, while the Democratic Government campaigns through the daily improvement of people’s well-being. RD CORRESPONDENT

“The concern you raise about the price of electricity,” said the chairman of the PDSH, “is not a real concern. You are witnesses to the fact that when we raised the price of bread, the socialists made a great outcry, whereas in fact such a step [unclear]… we will insist that the government’s position on stopping the spread of unauthorized buildings be firm and clear. continued providing assistance without criteria, it would cost [us] and we would page 2)

Supplement to the testimony The 17 May issue of the newspaper “RD” prominently featured a democratic and national [unclear] concerning the current chairman [unclear] for Political Genocide against Ramiz Alia, which a group of former political prisoners sent to the General Prosecutor’s Office two years ago. As had been seen and acknowledged by the accused himself, this accusation remains negligible to him, ignored. “I have been accused of some abuses and corruptions,” R. Alia, the eternal trickster of his own evasions and double-dealings who has crossed every river, said without embarrassment in interviews. In conversations among the accusers, particularly among those who suffered severely under the dictatorship and R. Alia, people continually offer additional testimony. (Who knows how many there are, if one gathers the accounts of those who suffered them.) However “small” and particular they may be, they illuminate the general truth: Ramiz Alia remains accused of political genocide, of a great historical crime against the nation and democracy. Every “testimony” of his about history is a lambskin that he puts back on the wolf, making it even more repulsive. The consequences of these collected testimonies are as follows. 1. A prominent former wartime cadre recounts that during the War, mysterious reports about comrades and events would arrive from Berat from time to time, bearing Enver’s instructions. The same writings spoke badly and distortedly about Gjin Marku, M.T. (Stuliani, etc.). One day, near Enver, I learned [unclear] that a young cadre who had long been lurking in the shadows, Ramiz Alia (they have said this for a long time), had finally become a “friend” of the Stulianis in a particular way and throughout their circle. 2. Martini Riza Dani had said somewhere (as had been published) how Ramiz Alia became a lieutenant colonel? When the guns were firing, he [unclear] the comrades with his tongue, apparently from “Kigo” [unclear]! As is known, Riza Dani was executed by firing squad on this charge. 3. Albanian partisan forces were in Yugoslavia. “The divisional commissar, Ramiz Alia, came to our house,” a Kosovar woman recounts (as recently published in the democratic press). As Kosovars covered in blood, we expressed our trust and spoke of the Serbs’ crimes. He stroked our arms with a faint smile, like a youthful internationalist, persuading us that the Serbs would now be our brothers! “Don’t worry!” 4. “Republika” in Ljubljana published an accusation against Ramiz Alia, who, at the age of 19, as a division commissar sent by Enver Hoxha, fired cannonballs against Shaban Polluzha and several “stubborn Kosovars” who wanted to make Kosovo “Albania.” 5. Ramiz Alia himself wrote in a recent interview that “Albania has no major political problems in the ethnic sense, that is, in the national sense… it has traditionally had good relations with France,” etc. When statements such as these are made by the head of the mother state and the dictatorship’s foremost theorist-leader, they take on concrete form as crimes, as strategy and practice against the nation. The consequences originate here; the crime begins here. 6. During the destruction and even barbaric looting of the Church of Our Lady in Shkoder (as witnesses had reported), R. Alia himself had gone there with former Interior Minister F. Shehu, personally directing, after giving instructions, the destruction of the church and the plundering of great national treasures. 7. The severely persecuted intellectual Xha Qesja testifies specifically in the press that on 10.9.1981 he sent R. Alia a letter containing political and personal complaints. The letter was forwarded to the Sigurimi, and he was subsequently arrested. He underwent 20 days of “interrogation” on the “special orders of the party” (they say). He was sentenced to 10 years as an “enemy of the people” because he had written a letter to… letter to… (Continued on page 3)

—Nano’s fine is reduced by 250 thousand lekë —An aggravating circumstance is not taken into account These words can sum up the Court of Appeal’s ruling on the scandal involving Italian aid to Albania. In his ruling, the presiding judge, Mr. Prel Martini, upheld the decision of the court of first instance. Thus, even after the “defence” Nano decided to make—and made—he turned out to be just as guilty as he had been when he remained silent; it could not have turned out otherwise. The facts his defence claimed to present were, in reality, unable to refute any of the accusations. Indeed, as Mr. Martini pointed out, there is also an aggravating circumstance against Nano: the crime of falsifying documents to favour H. Sejdiu was committed after the other crime of embezzlement. Nevertheless, the Court of Appeal did not take this aggravating circumstance into account, although there had been no charge or complaint concerning it. By the Court of Appeal’s ruling, Nano’s amount was reduced by only 250 thousand lekë from the sum he had to pay under the civil suit brought by the prosecutor in the court of first instance. This reduction was made because, for purposes of calculation and rounding, the sum of 250 thousand lekë had been added without justification. So Nano leaves the second instance of the trial with a sentence of 12 years’ imprisonment. The panel of judges neither reduced nor changed the first-instance sentences imposed on the other two defendants, Robert Gjini and Hasan Hallkja, respectively sentenced to 3 and 2 years’ imprisonment, even though prosecutor Duka had requested that their sentences be reduced. Thus, Nano has nothing left to do but shout in cassation: “Free Prometheus.” Although, judging from his previous practice, it would not be surprising if Nano appeared at the third instance under the name of some other biblical or mythological figure. In the first instance, Nano compared himself not just a little to Jesus Christ. Surely Jesus, in response to Nano’s act, would say: “Forgive him, Father, for he knows not what he does.” Meanwhile, in the second instance, the former communist prime minister turned to mythological figures, presenting himself as persecuted by “Zeus.” God save us—who knows whom Nano will present himself as in the third instance. In any case, what is certain for now is that he need only serve 12 years in prison (excluding the months he has already served). E.P.

3. Albania’s comes to our home, a Kosovar woman tells us (as recently published in the democratic press). As bloodied Kosovars, we expressed our trust and recounted the crimes of the Serbs. He stroked our arms, smiling faintly with youthful internationalist warmth, assuring Alia, who, at the age of 19, as a divisional commissar sent by Enver Hoxha, fired cannon shells at Shaban Polluzha and some “stubborn-headed” major political problems in the sense of ethnic ones, that is, in the national aspect… traditionally, it has had good relations with France,” etc. When such statements come from the head of the mother country and the dictatorship’s leading theoretician, they take on material form, down to crimes, as a the crime begins here. 6. In the barbaric destruction, even extending to the witnesses had reported), R. Alia himself had gone to the site with the former Minister of the Interior, F. Shehu, directly the smashing Qesja testifies explicitly in the press that on 10.9.1981 he sent a letter to R. Alia with political and personal complaints. The letter was passed on 20 days of “interrogation” on “special orders from a letter to (Continued on page 3)

Only two days now separate us from the opening of the ballot boxes. Individuals, politicians, journalists and newspapers use the word “elections” so often. In the political game of some party, one senses strain, posturing and hypocrisy. It is the clan that carries a bitter past. They are now presenting this past in an embellished veil and want to “raise it up” in Mallakaster. Elections will take place regardless. The ballot boxes are what decide; they are also a reminder. They remind us of what we suffered (why call it living?) for 50 years… lived through 50 years in a row. They are an appeal for our children’s lives, and certainly for our own. The people of Mallakaster cannot forget what communism did to them. For 50 years, under the threatening spectre of the PPSH, it broke their pride and generosity. Only the red ideology brought the sacred virtues of this region to the brink of extinction. Why should we forget? We all remember the apprehension we felt when a friend knocked at the door. “What can I offer him? I’ll be ashamed…” The living live for their honor (an expression in Mallakaster), and under communism we could not preserve our honor. Why should we forget the men standing with their heads bowed while the brigade leader insulted their wives in front of them? The proud men of Mallakaster boiled inside and stayed silent before the whip of insults. And what about the children whose mothers left them a piece of corn bread (babanace) with sugar in the cupboard? Children, the most beloved and at the same time the most humiliated. Everyone knows the long, black list in the bread shop in the villages of this area. The children, more vulnerable than anyone, would go to the bread outlet and write their father’s name on the long list because the money did not last for 15 days. Why should we forget the party secretary’s written orders for a drop of milk for the elderly and sick? Let us all remember the facts; let us remember that buying a new item of clothing was a family event. Let us remember the terror of the meat ration being distributed on New Year’s Day. The [unclear] of family members as a holiday approached, hoping to taste a sweet and see a little joy in the children’s eyes. Let us remember our parents, even before the ballot boxes. And let the young people—without prejudice—call to mind the borrowed shoes they wore on the day they went to town. We can never leave unspoken the real tragedies that took place in Mallakaster. Have we not all lived through the terrible suffering of people being separated from one another because the party wanted it? Quite a few people buried their relatives without sharing their grief with friends and companions. Have we not seen fathers in Mallakaster bury their sons, and sons their parents, with no one else there? Why should we forget? Did we not make visits, and did well-wishers not come to offer condolences and congratulations at night, for fear of the party? Why…? We people of Mallakaster love harmony; generosity is in our blood. So who wanted to debase this nature of ours? And today? We are present in every part of everyday life: joys, sorrows, work, problems, desires. A life no longer [unclear] by imposed deprivation. Although the economy is taking its first steps and the prospects are clearly positive, the other social problems have been completely resolved. So the ballot boxes represent two alternatives. One carries deprivation and bitter memories; the other brings with it a better life. Let us choose. ALBERT AVDULI