Pages 1–2 TEODOR LAÇO

DUKAGJIN HATA One of the crutches keeping the drugged-up PS circus going is the shifting of political vectors in some Eastern European countries in favor of the socialists. If there is some truth in the change in political fortunes after elections in these countries, which brought the socialists back to power, there is demagoguery in the efforts of the Albanian socialist leader to present these turns as preludes to their victory in the coming elections. Such comments are made outside the real framework of Albanian political developments, outside realistic analyses that can convincingly outline developments at every level—political, social, economic, etc.—in comparison with other Eastern countries, from the time of the Dictatorship to the present day. The medal has two sides that cannot be considered separately from one another: first, was Albania like all the other Eastern countries during the communist Dictatorships; second, what did the democratic reforms seek to achieve, and what did they in fact achieve, after the Communists’ defeat in Albania, compared with the rest of the East? Between these two sides lies a reality connected with the position of the old Communists, up to their metamorphosis into socialists at the continuity congress. Apart from President Alia’s final Communist-era threshold of cracking the armor—the claim that Albania was neither East nor West, although it was made for demagogic reasons and stemmed from a conjunctural essence—there was a truth connected with the model of creative, unique socialism of its kind practiced by the Dictator and the Polytybro, who had turned the country into an experimental laboratory, into a painful Sahara. A short time later, a journalist would rightly write that Albania was the East of the East in terms of the degree of delirium with which it had been forced to carry out the most grotesque forms of economic administration and the most farcical methods of ideological utopianism. In the interests of truth, it must be said that no other communist country in the East had a Constitution as “purist” as the Albanian one, which elevated every principle of development and administration into ideological molds, “forged” them on the anvil of the “class struggle,” and enshrined injustice, violence, genocide, and moral degradation in law. Thus, in the political sphere, schematic rigidity was so total that anyone who tried to cross the circle was subjected to violence and psychological and physical terror, deprivation and political and economic persecution, pursuit, surveillance, imprisonment, and even physical destruction in the name of political myths, in the name of absurdity. While Poland and Hungary paid a price in diminished prosperity for their people, freedom of thought, and even the leniency shown toward political victims who were branded “class enemies” and “servants of imperialism”—that is, a beacon of liberalization, which the communist leaders of Eastern Europe, thanks to their intuition in understanding the waves of rebellion that excessive political repressions could provoke, and pressure from the West, had been forced to accept, willingly or unwillingly—the Albanian “leadership” anathematized it with terms such as revision of Marxism and “falling into the lap of imperialism.” Thus Albania loudly proclaimed itself the only socialist country in the world that continued along the path of Marx and Stalin, while its “traitorous” sisters opened signals toward the West... The rest of the text continues below the edge of the image. what democratic reforms have in fact been carried out connected with the position of the old communists, right where, apart from demagoguery, no other signal of political evolution and emancipation was given. And there is also the DP, together with the Democratic Union, as new political forces that overthrew communism and are building democracy in Albania. Let us focus on these points. What would be declared … This was not the political plan of the socialists; [the text is corrupted here] was so complete that, as in any other socialist country, elements of cooperation based on ownership, and even individual privatization, were a present reality. Without needing to provide a dozen such prejudicial lists, Albania represented the most extreme edge of the communist dictatorship; indeed, it had become an example (not a shining beacon) of how the rest of the East should not act, since it had long since turned the Cold War with the West almost into a symbolic code. All this and more meant … [opening text corrupted] “socialist …” in all the other socialist countries, (Continued on page 2)

Division is far from the reality of the DP Interview with the Chairman of the Democratic Party of Albania, Mr. EDUARD SELAMI, given to “Voice of America” radio after the day-before-yesterday meeting of the DP parliamentary group Question: Mr. Eduard, what conclusions did the DP meeting reach? Answer: It is true that there were differing opinions, with one side making accusations and the other being accused. But I want to say that it was a dignified meeting at which the parliamentary group listened to both sides, and I think the decision reached was appropriate to the meeting, because it did not take sides; that is, the parliamentary group prejudged nothing. It did not prejudge the guilt of the two MPs, former ministers and members of the leadership, who are accused. On the other hand, it did not call for their immunity to be lifted without sufficient information either, and this matter was left for discussion by the parliament’s mandates committee, the specialized committee for these issues. I think this decision, which we proposed and which was reached by consensus, with no votes against, expressed the parliamentary group’s desire for the truth to come out—that is, for corruption not to be protected—while at the same time preventing any kind of misuse or use of the fight against corruption for other purposes, something that was alleged several times by MPs, especially MP Ruli and Uka, against the accusing side. Question: The former ministers ... We are sincerely concerned about the fight against corruption, as is every honest person and citizen. I think this is not a matter of a faction, nor of any clan, nor of shutting it down, but a natural process. What we are asking is that the fight against corruption be an ongoing fight, directed directly against corruption and not used for other purposes; but we are also against any kind of speculation made out of the fight against corruption. In our view, the best way to put a stop to speculation and the noise being made about corruption is an effective fight against corruption at every level. I think this is a concrete example that has nothing to do with a campaign, but is an effort against corruption. I do not want to prejudge anything in this particular case, neither to understate nor overstate it beyond its actual parameters, but I think our policy. Question: Meanwhile, it has been said that there are some people in the DP who oppose the leadership or ... certain people in the party leadership, and that the party could split into factions. How does this correspond to reality? The remaining part is cut off at the edge of the image. Diversity of opinion—and we consider that a positive thing for democracy. As for the other question about division, that is far from reality. The diversity of opinion that exists in the DP, and the open and sincere dialogue that exists in the DP and generally within its structures, I think does not lead to a split; on the contrary, it leads to cooperation on the basis of a society and a truly democratic party. … in parliament, so that the truth may emerge—that is, so that corruption is not protected, while at the same time any abuse or use of the fight against corruption for other reasons is removed from it. This point was raised several times by several MPs, especially MP Ruli and Uka, as an accusation against the accusing side. Question: Former ministers are accused of involvement in corruption that is thought to be second-tier, such as the walnut-wood case. Do you think that after this meeting, or after the immunity of these two MPs is lifted in this case, the idea will take hold that the DP is fighting corruption on the true scale that it may have? Answer: First of all, I will clarify one thing. It is not that we want to create the impression of a fight against corruption or of stopping it. What matters to us is the genuine fight against corruption, and in this respect I think this has to do with some kind of campaign, or simply with some kind of diversion of attention. Answer: We are not concerned; on the contrary, we regard the fact that DP leaders are challenged, or that there is diversity of opinion within the DP, as the clearest sign of the democracy that exists in the DP, and we consider this about a split, that is far from reality. The diversity of opinion within the DP and the open, sincere dialogue that exists generally within its structures, I believe, do not lead to a split; on the contrary, they lead genuinely democratic party. of attention. of attention.

U.S. Undersecretary of State Richard Holbrooke, who has begun a tour of the Balkans, will be in Tirana today, where he will meet with the country’s highest-ranking officials. The talks are expected to focus mainly on relations between the Balkan states, and especially on relations between Greece and Albania. Before visiting Albania, the senior U.S. official also visited Athens and Ankara, and is expected to go to Skopje. “RD” correspondent

PSD TEODOR LAÇO This council has discussed the coalition issue several times; nevertheless, when the time came to gauge whether the council approved our leaving the coalition or not, the matter was never put to a vote, not even at the conference. This cautious tactic was presumably intended to prevent the party from appearing divided. But it should not have been done this way, because what arithmetic was needed to understand that the majority of the council was against leaving the coalition? What happened after that? Those who were champions of breaking up the coalition, especially Apostoli and Milo, would begin a whole campaign the very next day, with articles and interviews intended to convince the social democrats and Albanian public opinion that the coalition was fictitious, bankrupt and unstable, and that all that remained was a council meeting to denounce it once and for all. The meeting came; the Council again reached no conclusions, to the orchestration of these gentlemen, and before the ink on the conclusions had dried, they once again began ... their old refrain. Let us remind them of what they have published in the press. Who gave these gentlemen the right to bypass the council on an issue so cardinal, if not the most cardinal of all? Now they accuse us of violating the statute because we spoke out against the Conference’s decision on the Constitution. How many times have these people violated the statute with their public statements, drawing a red line through the coalition? The most typical example of this is the position taken at branch conferences during the months of April–June this year. In every branch where Apostoli was the delegate, and in some cases the party chairman himself, (Continued on page 2)

—The four former bankers Tartari, Saliu, Xhyheri and Hoti, as well as former Prime Minister Ahmeti, are accused of embezzling large sums in collusion with one another and with Nikola Arsidi and Loron Simoni. —The amount embezzled by them is 123,275,000 lekë, of which 60,000,000 lekë remained an attempted embezzlement. —The defendants Tartari, Saliu, Xhyheri and Hoti had current accounts in foreign banks. The four former bankers, Agron Saliu, Agim Tartari, Ardian Xhyheri and Ilir Hoti, as well as former Prime Minister Vilson Ahmeti, sat in the defendants’ dock yesterday to stand trial on charges of embezzling state property in collusion with one another, and to state any preliminary requests they might have. The defense lawyer for defendant Agim Tartari, Ms. Zana Hasko, asked the trial panel to change the detention measure for her client and to separate the case against defendants Agron Saliu and Agim Tartari from that of the other defendants. The other lawyers and defendants stated that they had no preliminary requests. The trial panel is chaired by Judge Ardi Çeliku, while the prosecutors are Arben Qeleshi and Genc Gjokuta. At the opening of yesterday’s court session, the chairman of the trial panel, Mr. Çeliku, asked the defendants and their lawyers to state their positions on separating the case against defendant Tartari from those that they had no preliminary requests. After a short recess to consider the requests made by the defense lawyer for defendant Tartari, the trial panel rejected the request to separate the case, since all the defendants are accused of committing the criminal offense in collusion with one another. As for the request concerning a change in the security measure for defendant Tartari, the trial panel stated that it had already ruled on this request at the previous session, rejecting it as unsupported by law. Yesterday’s court session then continued with the reading of the indictment by Prosecutor Arben Qeleshi, who explained in concrete detail the mechanism by which these four former bankers and former Prime Minister Vilson Ahmeti, in collusion with Nikola Arsidi, Loron Simoni and others, embezzled large sums of state property. After the indictment was read, the chairman of the trial panel asked the defendants and their lawyers to state their position on the order in which the judicial investigation should begin. On this matter, the lawyer for defendant Ardian Xhyheri, Mr. Perparim Sanxhaku, asked that the judicial investigation begin with the examination of documentary evidence. The other defendants and lawyers said that they left this matter to the assessment of the trial panel. The court session was then adjourned because defendant Agim Tartari experienced health problems. The next session begins today at 9:00 a.m. with the questioning of witnesses.

Yesterday afternoon, MP Genc Ruli held a press conference, where, in the presence of journalists, he made a statement regarding his position on the request submitted by the Prosecutor General to the Presidium of the People’s Assembly to lift his immunity, in order to continue the investigative proceedings concerning the walnut-wood case. In the statement, among other things, MP Ruli reiterated his denial of the accusation and also stressed that he disagreed with the procedure followed in this case. He pointed out that his name had previously been dragged into the mud as one of the people most often discussed in various scandals described as possible corruption, to which he had responded by considering them unfair. But these arguments and attempts at clarification have their limits; therefore, Ruli stressed, my advantage in this matter is my patience with time, which will clarify many things. Mr. Ruli once again told journalists through his statement: “I have stated in the parliamentary group, and I state now, that I am fully prepared to answer to justice to the end regarding the walnut-wood case or any other cases.” Regarding the fight against corruption, in his statement to the press Mr. Ruli also called, among other things, for officials to be granted employment protections under a civil-service status, as in every other developed country; he expressed the necessity of depoliticizing the fight against corruption and of taking initiatives to wage a genuine and effective fight against it. He concluded this point by proposing the establishment in parliament of a special, fully empowered, pluralist anti-corruption commission, which would assess corruption allegations against government officials, as well as the work of the Prosecutor’s Office, SHKSH, SHIK, and the Police. Mr. Ruli concluded his statement by saying that the President of the Republic, as head of state and as an arbiter among the different branches of power, could also act in this direction and take the initiative to establish these institutions. After the statement, he answered questions from the journalists present. MENTOR SHEHU

After 600 years, the Lady of Good Counsel has returned to the Cathedral of Shkodra: 15,000 copies have been produced by Rome’s “Drita mbi lindjen” association. The work is by Gjon Gjonmarkaj, a translator, former editor, and head of the Albanian-language section at Radio Vatican. The book features a portrait of the Lady of Good Counsel. The painting, created with great delicacy on a wall surface 31 cm wide and 42.5 cm high, depicts the blessed Lady holding Jesus, the child, in her arms; the two are surrounded by an arch of stars. The miraculous image of the Lady of Shkodra appeared in this city exactly 600 years ago, and Albanian leaders such as Skenderbeu, Pale Lek Dukagjini, and others prayed before it. Later it was placed in a church in Genazzano, on the outskirts of Rome. This happened on 25 April 1467, when the image, accompanied by an angelic doctor, entered the Church of Genazzano on the feast day of Saint Mark, the city’s patron. ZEF PERGEGA

Photographs of those present at the court hearing in the “Arsidi” case.

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