Corruption is one of the ugliest manifestations and bitterest legacies of dictatorial society. This is a serious inherited wound that persists and threatens democracy unless it is fought with courage, efficiency and continuity. Today’s Albania inherited one of the greatest scourges of material and moral corruption from Enver Hoxha’s dictatorship. People cannot forget how, while the dictator was building luxurious villas for himself, with swimming pools, his red henchmen were, for their part, fleecing ordinary citizens. They had to pay bribes for everything and for every matter: for the right to study, they often had to give up a television set to get a residential apartment; they had to give a year’s wages to get a refrigerator, television or sewing machine; to treat someone or obtain a visa for a relative, they had to pay large sums to officials of every rank, from field foremen to ministers and above. In addition to all this, the Albanian dictatorship was an example of corruption, of serving terrorists, of collaboration with the mafia, ... [They] penalized without distinction officials of various ranks in the new state structures, from ordinary officials to senior state functionaries, members of parliament, etc. For the first time in their history, after democracy’s victory, Albanians saw that everyone was equal before the law: ministers, members of parliament, prime ministers, customs officers, governors or police officers—and this is a great achievement of Albanian democracy. The DP government showed unwavering determination to adhere to its declared program. The fact is that during these 2–3 years many, many officials of various ranks, former officeholders as well as current ones, were prosecuted and convicted. The uninterrupted fight against corruption, without political bias, has been a constant line of the DP, its unchanging platform, at a time when Albanians—robbed, plundered, looted and exploited—had never heard before 22 March of an official being convicted for corruption. In this context, prime ministers, ministers and former leaders of the PP were held accountable, including Mr. Nano, responsible for the disappearance, with his help, of ... [They] think that this way they will be able to escape punishment for the crimes they have committed. With their propaganda machine, they go so far as to proclaim that documents or decisions adopted by the government to prevent their speculation are decisions related to the corruption of this or that senior official; on this occasion, they exploit the deception of some compromised red [official], or even a guard or a blue [official], whose opportunity to speculate was cut off by the government decision. Naturally, justice will have its say on these matters. But we say to the gentlemen of the PS’s justice system: since during your rule you stole ... The second direction, and the true essence of the current socialist leadership’s platform, is the defense of corruption at any cost and in every instance. On the basis of this platform ...

Yesterday morning, in the hall of the Central Army House, where 20 years ago communism stripped Albanian military officers of their ranks, a ceremony was held to promote military personnel, by decree of the President of the Republic, Sali Berisha. The ceremony, attended by President Berisha, Prime Minister Meksi, members of the government, military personnel and veterans, was opened by Defense Minister Safet Zhulali, who said that the approval and implementation of the law on ranks in the armed forces fills one of the biggest gaps in the legislation governing the armed forces and constitutes the legal basis for the hierarchy in the army, which was one of the main objectives of the reform. Prime Minister Meksi read the decree awarding senior military ranks. According to this decree: on the proposal of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers, the President of the Republic decrees the awarding of ranks as follows: 1- Major General Sheme Ismet Kosova, Chief of the General Staff of the Army, is awarded the rank of four-star general. 2- Agim Adem Baruti, Deputy the rank of four-star general. 3- Baki Gani Shehu, Deputy the rank of major general. 4- Colonel Vladimir Mehdi Ismaili. 5- Colonel Aliko Dalan Laze 6- Colonel Besnik Aqif Selami 7- Colonel Adem Sulejman Qopani 8- Colonel Perlat Ferhat Sula 9- Colonel Hysen Tahip Harapi 10- Colonel Ali Bajram Koçeku 11- Colonel Luan Ramiz Hoxha 12- Colonel Aqif Haki Çikallesh(i) 13- Colonel Ndoc Llesh Mjeku 14- Colonel Dilaver Aziz Laçi 15- Colonel Shkelqim Ethem Nure 16- Colonel Agim Zija Koxhita 17- Colonel Syrja Veli Isufi 18- Colonel Mustafa Shaban Harizi 19- Colonel Gjergj Bib Vladi 20- Colonel Fiqiri Ymer Cena 21- Colonel Ylli Islam Dimraj 22- Colonel Perlat Qerim Binaj 23- Colonel Bajram Mehdi Malaj 24- Colonel Halit Gjecaj 25- Colonel Beqir Preja And Captain First Rank Muharram Islam Kucanaj is awarded the rank of rear admiral. After the ranks were conferred, the President of the Republic and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, Sali Berisha, spoke and said: “It is a historic day for our army, the moment when senior ranks are established in the army. But before addressing the importance of this day, I first wish to express my deep respect to all those ...” (Continued on page 2) The President of the Republic, Mr. Sali Berisha, presents Mr. Sheme Kosova (Chief of Staff) with the rank of brigadier general PHOTO: A. DHIMITRI

At the invitation of the Chairman of the State Duma of the Russian Federation, on January 22, 1995, a delegation of the People’s Assembly of the Republic of Albania, headed by the Chairman of the Presidium of the People’s Assembly, Mr. Pjeter Arbnori, arrived in Moscow for an official visit. At Sheremetyevo Airport, the Albanian parliamentary delegation was received by Deputy Secretary of the State Duma A. Cilingarov, Head of the Interparliamentary Relations Department at the State Duma K. Paruzin, and other officials. Also present was the Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Republic of Albania to the Russian Federation, Arben Cici. As part of his visit to Moscow, yesterday the Albanian parliamentary delegation headed by Mr. Pjeter Arbnori was received at the State Duma of the Russian Federation by the Chairman of the Duma, Mr. Ivan Ribkin. At the meeting, Mr. Ribkin expressed his satisfaction that parliamentary relations between Russia and Albania were progressing well. He expressed his readiness to strengthen these relations further. The establishment of respective friendship groups in our parliaments, he said, would encourage cooperation in many areas. In his remarks, Mr. Arbnori said that we had come to expand relations, not only parliamentary ones but also more broadly. Friendship with you should be a factor in harmonizing interests in our regions. The Chairman of the Presidium of the Assembly, Mr. Arbnori, invited his Russian counterpart to pay an official visit to Albania, an invitation that was gladly accepted. Also yesterday, the Albanian parliamentary delegation held a meeting with members of the Russian Federation delegation to the Parliamentary Assembly on Black Sea Economic Cooperation, where specific aspects of regional cooperation between Albania and Russia were discussed. (Continued on page 2)

The circle of persons to be subjected to criminal prosecution is expanding After the witnesses’ testimony and statements have been completed and submitted, the hearing in the case against A. Tartari, A. Saluti, I. Hoti, A. Xhveni, and V. Ahmeti was expected to continue with the defendants’ explanations. An interim decision by the trial panel, announced by its chairman Andi Çeliku, gave the proceedings a different direction. The decision stated that, having assessed the materials in the investigation file and the statements of all witnesses questioned during the judicial investigation, including 17 witnesses questioned for the first time in this trial, the panel had decided to return the case for further investigative work. According to this decision, the investigation was inadequate and could not lead the court to accurate, objective conclusions regarding the defendants, either as to the legal classification of the criminal offense or as to the defendants’ liability and degree of liability. The trial panel considers that the prosecution must necessarily ... [The column continues, partly cut off at the lower edge.] ... be complete and comprehensive, taking into account both the new facts obtained during the trial from the 17 new witnesses questioned at court hearings, and the fact that the investigation conducted by the prosecution was superficial and incomplete, even though this case has been under investigation for a very long time, beyond the statutory time limits. Further on, the trial panel was of the opinion that during the judicial investigation sufficient and concrete evidence had emerged that the circle of persons implicated in this case who should be subject to criminal prosecution was wider. The information available to date was considered sufficient to designate as implicated in this case the former finance minister Genc Ruli, the former minister of economic relations with foreign countries, Ylli Çabiri, the former minister of tourism and bani Mysliu, the former Commercial Bank economist Liljana Nanaj, and the former secretary to former Governor I. Hoti, Arta Pisha. Among the other matters requiring the prosecution to investigate ... (Continued on page 2)

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(Page 5) [Text cut off at the upper and left edges of the photo.] ... Jews ... a visa for a relative to live nearby, rank, from senior brigadiers to ministers and above. In addition, the Albanian dictatorship was a state of counteraction; it was a terrorist entity, involved in cooperation with terrorist gangs and the mafia, as numerous documents prove. Dictatorships, as criminal states, can be no different. They are also regimes of privilege, positions, and unlawful practices. Such was Albanian society, and it entered the transition in that condition. As it opened up, it emerged as a criminalized state; therefore, in this opening to the world, its first act—alongside the opening of the borders—was the looting and misuse of around 400 million dollars from the state treasury. It carried out all these actions through its connections, advisers, and relatives of the Sejdia, Arsidi, Pernjola type, and many others, to whom it granted exclusive rights over investments, financing, and the whole of Albania. Only its secret mafia connections of the Sejdia, Arditi, Pernjola type, and many, many others could agree to loot on its behalf and, together with it, rob the impoverished and hungry Albanians. The other institutions it created, the financial police and customs, were placed under the control of compromised people who served not to fight corruption, but to protect it. Albania in March 1992 was therefore a tragic country, among the worst in Europe in terms of corruption. The new Albanian mafiosi in the leadership of the PP and the government plunged the country into enormous debts, rampant corruption, hunger, misery, chaos, and anarchy. There is no doubt that one of the greatest duties of the new PD government was to fight old and new corruption, without any political bias, wherever it had appeared or might appear. This was the PD’s platform, and within this framework it began its efforts, documenting the multimillion-dollar financial scandals of V. Nano, V. Ahmeti, and many other senior officials, who had secured and carried them out in the years ’90–’92. These were ... ... within this framework, prime ministers, ministers, and former PP leaders with his assistance, of 9 million dollars and for the fraudulent tax exemption of A. Sejdia, and for bringing Arsidi into Albania, as he himself admits in his trial. The justice system also held accountable the former PP prime minister, Ahmeni, and the group with whom this PS government carried out the disappearance of 1.6 million dollars; it did not spare former senior officials either, and it has done so courageously and transparently and will continue to do so. The PD not only did not weaken the fight against corruption, but at its latest National Council meeting decided to strengthen this fight in the interests of consolidating democracy and the rule of law. Only sincere political forces that wish to build a democratic society do this. However, the platform of the PS leadership has been and remains the opposite: its major aim is to protect corruption, criminalize Albanian society, and then dominate it by means of violence. This platform rests on two main approaches: The first approach is disinformation and noise about corruption. Under the slogan “the thieves are shouting, ‘Catch the thief,’” the current socialist leadership has turned its abusive, slanderous propaganda—after looting, stealing, and robbing banks and cooperatives—toward a purported fight against corruption. All the major, widely publicized scandals to date have been connected with the names of their leaders, such as Alla, Nano, Ahmeti, etc. This matters little to them. In their campaign to inflate claims of corruption by those in power, they have enlisted the press they control and former secret-police agents; they have even made substantial sums of money available to publish or obtain false testimony. The leading figures involved in this base activity include some of the most senior PS leaders, who ... ... contains also the testimony about official corruption being punished for corruption. some of the most senior PS leaders, who ... The second approach, is to protect corruption at all costs they tried to protect F. Nano, even at the cost of provoking fratricidal violence; they called for protests and mass revolts, and distributed large sums of money around the world for their leader. They defend their prime minister, V. Ahmeti, and the entourage with whom 1.6 million dollars were stolen. Their passion and blindness in their struggle and efforts to protect corruption compel them to make no distinction between political affiliations: it is enough to prove that you are corrupt, or suspect you of being so, and you immediately enjoy the unconditional protection of the Albanian socialist leadership and its rag. Thus, as soon as the issue arose of the 70,000 narco-dollars given for the release of Mr. Kallafatos, they transformed their rag—which deserves to be called “The Voice of Crime”—into “Zëri Brozit,” at a time when they were taking back articles, editorials, and interviews by their PS leaders, MPs, and members about their own mistake in addressing “ZP” with sincere opinions. For the current socialist leadership, it is enough to prove that you are a smuggler for you to be portrayed as a victim, a scapegoat, regardless of the fact that yesterday you were a fascist, or that you were more corrupt than they were. The current socialist leadership’s battle to protect corruption is extremely dangerous. It seeks to install organized crime in Albania, and its battle is also ... [unclear in source]. The PD, entirely apart from political considerations, has fought and will fight corruption, firmly convinced that after the overthrow of the dictatorship, building the rule of law is and remains its greatest historic mission. With the same courage it showed in its uncompromising and consistent fight against the dictatorship, it will also show courage against others and against the remnants of that legacy.

Deepening administrative reform will strengthen the Party’s role Meeting of the DP branch presidium, attended by the Chairman of the PDSH, Selami On Saturday in the city of Gjirokastër, the DP branch held a meeting of the party presidium, attended by the leader of the PDSH, Mr. Eduard Selami. The meeting discussed the area’s most pressing problems, as well as strengthening the ties between the DP branch, the center and the central executive authorities. In his speech, the branch chairman, Syrja Braçe, emphasized that during 1994 the branch had carried considerable political weight given Gjirokastër’s position. In the referendum, an increase of 8% was recorded. Among the branch’s problems, Mr. Braçe stressed, was the lack of sufficient strength to respond to the people’s demands. The DP should have acted as coordinator, but in practice it had not. The customs service, financial police and Ministry of Finance had taken a resistant stance toward us. The same situation applied to public order. This was also evident during the referendum. Subsequently, presidium members Xhelal Beqiri, Ana Zeka, Ilir Gjini of the FRPD, Agron Ahmeti, Latif Mema, Arjan Spiri, Subi Hajro and Muharrem Pollo raised, in their discussions, pressing problems in the area related to privatization and especially to administrative reform. The DP’s position in opposition in the local government of Gjirokastër has made administrative reform more difficult. Despite the steps taken in health and education, this reform has stalled in the customs services, financial police and public order. The shortcoming lies in the central government bodies’ failure to heed the DP’s voice and in the weak links between party, state and government. In many cases the law has not been implemented and the branch’s voice has not been heard. The party must become more closely connected with the state. The DP chairman in a district where the DP is in opposition should be given greater powers. The chairman of the privatization board, A. Ahmeti, emphasized that the Gjirokastër privatization board is the most heterogeneous in the republic, which has made its work more difficult. Reform is also faltering in the army. The meeting discussed the need to explain the privatization process using securities more clearly. It was emphasized that this year the DP must show that, without being afraid of the term “party-state,” it is a party in power. In his speech, Mr. Selami said that he had heard the problems raised at this meeting

On Sunday, January 29, 1995, the expanded National Council of the PDSH will meet in the National Museum hall, with the participation of members of the National Council, members of parliament, and the government. Press and Information Department at the PDSH