Pandeli Majko, Socialist Party MP, in an interview given to BBC last night, expressed reservations about his party’s political course. The journalist asked Majko how he explained the fact that he had been one of the participants in the December Democratic Movement and is now an MP of the SP, which is accused of being a conservative party; Majko said that it is true, in our split there is something fatal. The Socialist Party has a long way to go to achieve its goals. Majko has learned to speak more freely than Ruçi’s order to the members of his party. It is not surprising that one day this boy will also be sent into the camp of the other reformers of the SP, gradually decorating the steps of this party’s hierarchy.

Today the President of the Republic received the German MP Karl-Herman Haack, with whom he discussed the growing relations between the two countries as well as the political situation and the reforms in Albania.

Gjinushi, incorrigible in his venture into evil, beyond correction and with no feeling of remorse for his own compromised past, still continues to understand politics as the art of deception P. 3

Leaving the government of stability - a necessity for the fate of democracy YLLI VEJSIU In fact, the exit from the Government of Stability was made at a regular meeting of the National Council in one of the halls of the Palace of Culture. I remember that the issue of leaving the Government of Stability had become obvious and necessary because of the political developments and circumstances. At this point there were not many discussions, except for one minister who strongly opposed the idea of leaving this government and of someone who did not take a position on the PD’s exit from the Government of Stability. The truth is that the decision to leave the Government of Stability was taken on the basis of the demands of the party base, which had long understood the absurdity of the PD’s position in this government game, which through its work and strategy was sabotaging the ideals of the December democratic movement. So staying in this government from a political point of view was impossible given the serious political and economic situation that had been created. As chairman of the PD-Tirana branch, I strongly felt the pressure of PD members because, for them, the case of Tirana’s death discussed and insisted on the immediate departure of the PD from the Government of Stability. The only problem to be discussed in the National Council and the only debate was whether it should leave immediately that same day, or whether they should wait a week, depending on whether or not the PD’s demands toward the Government and toward Ramiz Alia would be met. It was decided by majority vote for the second option, judging that this way the PD would show itself reasonable, tolerant and with a democratic culture that desires stability. Maj Koi in the leadership of the National Council on the rostrum, among others, was Mr. Neritan Ceka. The departure from the Government of Stability took place after the requested deadline expired, once it became clear and absolute conviction was established that the PD’s demands would not be met; moreover, Mr. Ceka had been appointed by the PD Presidency as negotiator with Ramiz Alia. The day after the deadline expired, a meeting of the PD parliamentary group was held, where the situation created and the proclamation of a collective decision on leaving the government of stability were discussed and considered. The announcement of this decision to leave the GS was made in the morning, on the day after the deadline expired, in a hall of the Palace of Congresses through a press conference. At the press conference it was declared by Mr. Berisha. Mr. Berisha made an analysis of the factors that forced the PD to leave that government and why it was considered necessary and done on time. Beside Mr. Berisha was also Mr. Ceka, who did not say a single word. Only a few days passed when Mr. Ceka, behind the backs of the known agreement with Ramiz Alia, concocted the vile declaration, thus committing an act of treachery against the PD and Berisha.

EDITORIAL The anti-reform situation and climate within the Socialist Party are substantial for a party that has in its history dozens of cases of the elimination of reformist groups within the party. The case that was presented as an effort to move the leadership away from obstacles and from mediocrity was in fact the ugly service of elements within the PPSH from its foundation until the autumn of this year. Malëshovism attached to the practices of the Socialist Party is one of the many reasons that can be found among today’s socialists and their predecessors. The autumn case has its own history and did not arise simply as an act that stirs indignation from within the party. It is Stalinist psychology and ideological memory. Internal elimination is a school that the Albanian communist party carried out very successfully. That regime had two different methods: one elimination because of an internal danger posed by another clan, while the second was elimination because of reformist tendencies and change that appeared from time to time within the ranks of that party. The first was converted within the Socialist Party not into direct eliminations but through the presence and mechanism of the party. This case is more than enough to prove the unease of this party. In the name of a false unity they have permanently been reluctant to present their ideas in the media today, unlike the storm of declarations of this party’s kind. Only the present or absent case of Marx within the program brought the broken unity of the SP to the surface. Its leaders treated this as an ordinary divergence, but it is not a merely ordinary political difference between those who love Marx and those who do not. It is a matter of an essential difference. Lacking in this party the institution of direct elimination, based on a reasoning built on that institution, they carried out the removal of the reformist group from the party leadership. Thus they made it possible once again to repeat that affair which in 1945 took place under the then leadership of the PPSH. Then, for the same motives, they removed Malëshova, who demanded reforms that would modernize Albanian life, something that would have made it possible to avoid its communization. The return of this phenomenon in the Socialist Party is one less hope that from this leadership, which today keeps the reforming of this party tied down, a change can be expected. Malëshovism for the socialists will be within them as long as the theoretical base of the Party of Labour also remains within it as a mechanism that pursues realization inside this party. If it were otherwise, they would not conceive their electoral campaign as a campaign with a pronounced eastern character, as a campaign with social reflexes aiming at communist-type solutions, and as a campaign that would result in support from the old forces. It is not clear for this party how to explain before the Albanian public the absence of a future within itself. Their renewal will not be renewal within its false unity, and it cannot be embraced as such whenever one clan is said to be stronger. All the gains of the different clans of this party are not victories for its reform. The autumn case is the case of the loss of reform within this party because of the victory of the party’s conservatives and the other efforts of this party’s survival. Two days ago the Socialist press reformulated the date of the creation of this party, bringing it back almost to the Albanian starting point, right after the victory of pluralism. The initiative to change the founding date of this party is an illegal departure from the past and not a departure that comes from agreement with it or separation from it. The calendar departure from fifty years with it and the return of Malëshovism is a major contradiction. If they were created outside the walls, outside the Democratic Party, it must be made clear that they should not have had two reasons to remove reformers from the leadership or to remove together with the past not only what is no longer of interest to Albanians, such as the history of the PP, but also their method of Stalinist strikes for fifty years straight. Only the Albanian case today is led by penalized elements. Even when there is a need to make some reform, a conservative wall rises that unfortunately is always ready within this part of the Albanian political spectrum.

At the funeral ceremony for the burial of the mother of Fatos Nano, Gramoz Ruçi once again, fully true to his nature, tried to exploit it for political capital; he even tried to turn it into a political demonstration by calling the procession that gathered in Skënderbej Square a rally. As someone who has completely lost all human feeling, someone who does not know how to respect even the death of a mother (and the death of every mother is a moment of human pain), Ruçi tried to turn the painful funeral ceremony into a political act, thus shamelessly playing with the most sacred things that we Albanians have always known how to respect, honoring the dead, into a nerve of virtues with the card of this people. Ruçi, this manipulator of death, with this inhuman act, once again proved the macabre nature of his personality. N.GJINI

Press conference of the PSD Chairman For Gjinushi, the conversion of communists into Western socialists takes no less than 10-20 years. That is how the social-democratic leader said yesterday at the press conference he gave, implying that for Gjinushi the transition from communist to social-democrat will take 40 years. Speaking before journalists, the only remaining leader of the Albanian social democrats said that his party is close to governing, whether with 2 percent of the seats in Parliament, or through a habitual commitment, the PSD can be included. Gjinushi said that the parties’ ten years are obliged, whether in power or in opposition, to work for the country in accordance with democratic laws, while he better says that he does not know the law, which he declared "anti-constitutional" over the verification of politicians’ moral character. The PSD chairman sharply attacked the roundtable of political parties called by the President of the Republic, while the speakers at this roundtable, MP Gjergj Rakaj, stated on television that "it was a successful dialogue." Gjinushi once again announced political interference, declaring that his party feels a natural closeness with the SP, even though the latter currently maintains structures and part of the figures of the PPSH. Although he does not speak of preconceived alliances, Gjinushi gives the impression that there is goodwill on the part of the mother party, the SP, for a broadening that would be liberal among the people. D.Hana

The resignation of the Government of Stability in the memory of Mitro Çela as journalist and MP Question: How do you remember the time when the Government of Stability resigned? In December of ’91 I was the editor-in-chief of "RD". I was a member of the PD Presidency and a deputy in the People’s Assembly. As a journalist I remember it was a cold day. The National Council meeting was held in one of the halls of the Palace of Culture. There were debates, yes, only against the resignation of the Government of Stability. This is normal in the life of every party. There were people in the political debate, if we also consider the fact that at that time, within the National Council, there were people with mutually incompatible opinions and concepts. But debates and discussions are valuable until the vote is "first". Then all of us, that is, the entire National Council, almost unanimously voted that the ministers, removed by the Democratic Party, would govern from the Government of Stability. Question: Why are these words mentioned? Answer: This is related to an event from the month of November. At that time, in February 1992, together with Berisha, I was in Paris with some journalists. We went to make an agreement between "RD" and "Le Figaro". One day, while having dinner with Ismail Kadare, Ismaili told me: "I do not know what it is when the nation...?" [?] ... Ismaili told me: "I see it, with the step of the most from the bitterness of this time." It was about the agreement between the PD and PR, the PSD and the Agrarian Party. However, in the month of September this coalition broke, and the link with the coalition and the [word unclear] and for the coalition between the PD, the PR and the PSD. In my opinion this was the final key of the Government of Stability.

The socialist commune chairman Xhevat Uremi declares The commune of Zgerzhanit [?], in the district of Fier, with jurisdiction over 6 villages. It has had geologists and mining specialists who also exploited the field. In addition it has cooperated [?] ... BIJAR LILA

The minutes of the Political Bureau meeting of the Central Committee of the PPSH, dated 2 and 3 July 1974 P. 7

Yesterday’s "Zëri i popullit" reports that after the first socialist chairman of the district publicly declared his departure from the SP, the regional committee of the Socialist Party met, analyzed the disgraceful act of its chairman and unanimously decided to remove the chairman from the Socialist Party. The same fate would befall everyone who would leave the SP, not to mention the stain on ZP. Z.H