Tomorrow On 5 March ’95, at 10:00, the Extraordinary Conference of the PDSH will hold its proceedings at the Opera and Ballet Theater. It will discuss the decisions of the National Council regarding the route for adopting the Constitution, the positions taken by the chairman of the PD toward these decisions, and the consequences arising from this.

. Mr. S. Pellumbi, presenting the PS’s latest decision to form a coalition with the PD (the reformed faction) as a convincing argument for his own position, just like Enver, who, when announcing five-year plans, called on people to take Switzerland as an example, used the example of the Swiss Confederation to argue that such a coalition was possible, since that country is governed by a political grouping with a broad spectrum ranging from the right to the left. But comparing Switzerland, the Western world’s model democracy, with Albania in the first steps of democracy means comparing the comparable—or, as they say, the incomparable—or, more plainly, dreaming in broad daylight. It means that you have not freed yourself from Enver’s paranoid ideas, when he declared to adventurers such as Amazona, Gripp[a?] and others that Albania under his regime “was not paradise, but was almost paradise.” It seems, however, that Mr. Pellumbi, inspired and moved by some trip to Switzerland and visits to the little street where Lenin lived, or to the taverns where Mr. Nano declared Enver—where Xh. Nano declared Enver Hoxha to be his father—thought that he had found in the Helvetic model the key to his solution and to stopping [tufezi?] and total collectivization, [perçundimit?], humiliation, prisons and concentration camps. So, if Switzerland was and is the paradise of the West, Albania was the hell of the Eastern world. For the first time in its human history, at the end of this century, led by the PD government and this Party’s program, it managed to achieve three years of stable democratic governance; Albania thus experienced three years of the steady development of democracy. And this was not because the Albanian people did not deserve it. They fully deserved freedom and democracy. They have shed blood and made sacrifices throughout their difficult history, more than any other nation in Europe. But their tragedy has been that, alongside other factors, there have always been individuals and leaders such as Hoxha, Alia, Nano, Pellumbi, Ruçi, Dokle and their associates who, through their ambition, careerism and collaboration with others, have brutally killed the future of their own people and of Albania. Even now, the Albanian socialist leadership works every day to unite things that are incompatible with one another, and whose difference is greater than that between the sea and the desert. The Swiss socialists have never been Marxist-Leninists. They have never been heirs to bloody dictatorships such as that of Enver Hoxha, or to any genocide perpetrated against their Swiss people. But it is not only their entirely opposite and incompatible heritage and history that distinguish the Swiss left from the Albanian left. The differences between the current Swiss left-wing leadership and the current Albanian left-wing leadership are just as great. Arrez, the Shkodra massacre—the PS unquestionably has, at every level, a large number of members who are honest people, steadfast patriots and supporters of reform. But its tragedy lies in the fact that its leadership has been usurped by a group of red gangsters, criminals who are a great misfortune for them and for Albania. The Democratic Party was created as an anti-communist, anti-PP, anti-crime, anti-persecution, anti-isolation and anti-bunkerization party, championing the most democratic ideals, feelings and aspirations of a people oppressed like no other in Europe. It is the heir to half a century of genuine anti-communist resistance. The PD was founded as a party of free speech, free thought, private property and free enterprise. It destroyed the dragon that was the PPSH, its machine of repression and terror. The PS program, like that of the PPSH, is based on the totalitarian ideology of K. Marx. The PD program is incompatible with all totalitarian ideologies. It is based on the universal principles and values of democracy, the principles of Helsinki, and aims to build the rule of law, a market economy and civil society in Albania. The difference between these two programs, then, is that between darkness and light—or, more concretely, between Albania in 1991 and Albania in 1995. The experience of 1991 proved that PS rule was a dictatorship of crime and street terror, chaos, anarchy, impoverishment, hunger, exoduses, fires and looting. By contrast, three years of PD rule—the first stable three-year period of democratic governance in our thousand-year history—proved to be a period of flexible development and consolidation of democratic institutions, the rule of law, a market economy, rapid economic growth, and guaranteed order and peace: in other words, the new government was anti-crime, anti-poverty, anti-crime, and committed to integrating the country into Europe. Through its governance, crime and failure, the PS proved that it is Albania’s past, while the PD is its secure future. In conclusion, to accept a coalition with the PS or in various ways help it return to power means taking upon oneself the burden of its accumulated crimes and projecting them into the future; projecting them into the future means criminalizing the future of your country and nation. To make up for the PS’s complete inability to govern means establishing a neocommunist regime in Albania—in other words, coolly killing the present and future of your nation and country. And to draw parallels between the current Swiss governing coalition and a PS-PD coalition in Albania is like comparing Enver with Jean-Jacques Rousseau. …following the advice of K. Marx. The PD program is compatible aims to build the rule of law and a market economy 1991 and Albania in 1995. Comparing the Swiss left-wing leadership with the Albanian left-wing leadership is like comparing the great Gurakuqi with G. Ruçi,

Yesterday, the PD chairman before journalists B. Fevziu, “Aleanca” 1.—Mr. Selami! Tomorrow is the Extraordinary Conference of the PD. How does it differ from the previous conference? Several extraordinary conferences have been held, and one of them was when I was elected chairman. Another will take place, but I believe it will be a good opportunity to show that the PD functions, that freedom of thought and open debate exist, and that decisions are made on the basis of the majority. 2.—If you are dismissed from the post of PD chairman, do you think you will regroup around yourself the MPs who supported you at the PD conferences in the districts? I don’t think there is any need for such a thing, because this is a perfectly natural matter. Regardless of whether you will be—or not—the districts? I do not want to continue to… Photo: A. Babani I think there is no natural problem. Regardless of whether you will be or not yourselves the deputies who supported you at the Democratic Party conferences in the districts? (Continued on page 2)

Photo: A. Babani

But Mr. Pellumbi, apparently inspired and moved by some trip to Switzerland and a visit to the street where Lenin lived or the taverns where Mr. Nano declared Enver Hoxha to be his father, thought that in the Swiss model he had found the golden key to restoring himself and his group to power. Every political analyst except Mr. Pellumbi—even an amateur—knows that the differences between Switzerland and Albania in the historical, political, economic, social, and ethnic spheres are so great that, consequently, any comparison between these two countries in these respects sounds as absurd as it is ridiculous. Albania was the hell of the Eastern world. First, the Swiss Confederation, birthplace of Rousseau, the brilliant thinker and philosopher whose ideas lie at the heart of the values of today’s Western civilization, is a centuries-old direct democracy in which the sovereign people (whereas you took your own people to court over a referendum, the first in history) have made laws, taken decisions, and established institutions more than any other people in Western Europe and indeed in the world. Albania, meanwhile, only three years ago emerged from the most barbaric communist regime after Pol Pot’s; Mr. Pellumbi, together with his collaborators from the M-L Institute, at the head of the PS, defended that dictatorship so fanatically and continue to defend it even today—the dictatorship that turned Albania into the most isolated country in the world, a country of forbidden crimes, freedoms of ... If it is absurd to compare the centuries-old democratic tradition of the Helvetic Confederation with Albania’s still-consolidating democratic tradition, it is entirely quixotic to compare the Swiss left with the Albanian left. These ... ... the Swiss left with the Albanian left. These ...

Hoxha, Ana, Tarja, Pellumbi, Ruçi, Dokle and their associates, with their ambition, careerism, and collaboration with others, have cruelly killed the future of their people and of Albania. The Albanian socialist leadership is still working toward this every day. But this time, its service will bring certain failure. There is one truth that cannot be ignored: your great classics lived in Switzerland; even Mr. Nano, only two years ago, defended his father and sang elegies for Enver Hoxha, because Switzerland has been a free country for centuries. But then, as now, this country and its people have demonstrated and continue to demonstrate their civilization’s complete immunity to the totalitarian ideology of Marxism. Albania, by contrast, had the dark fate of being turned into the “blooming garden” of the monstrous ideas of Marx, Lenin, Lin Biao, and E. Hoxha—ideas that proved to form the basis of a genuine genocide platform, while today, as you yourselves have admitted, they constitute the basic principles of your electoral platform. comparing the sea with the desert. Thus, Albanian left. The current left-wing leadership of Switzerland consists of genuine intellectuals with left-wing ideals rooted in European social democracy. They have committed no massacres, and their platform is the development and consolidation of democracy and respect for democratic institutions and human rights. The Albanian socialist leadership, on the other hand, is the only leadership which, like Zhirinovski in Russia, most destructively opposes the Charter of Human Rights, defends Enver Hoxha and his work and half-century dictatorship, and even calls the removal of his decorations a medieval stance; it denounces Albania’s membership in the Council of Europe, denounces Albania’s membership in NATO, and declares that it will change all the laws when it comes to power, although they have been unanimously recognized as laws meeting European standards. They openly call for people to be dragged along and skulls to be cracked open. After Zhirinovski in Russia, this is the most anti-democratic opposition leadership Europe has known in its postwar history. The Swiss socialist leadership has not carried out massacres, exoduses, burnings, or looting. The opposite is true: it has shown a high degree of responsibility in governing the country. The Albanian socialist leadership, meanwhile, organized massacres, killings, and terror in 1990–91. The February massacres, the burnings of people alive in Fushe ... weigh on the group that leads the PS today, namely Nano, Ruçi, Pellumbi, and Dokle.

In reality, just as great as the difference between the Swiss left and the Albanian left—as two incompatible lefts—are the differences and incompatibility between the PS and the PD and the leadership of these two parties. The Albanian Socialist Party is the heir, the offspring of the spirit of the Party of Labour, which for 45 years inflicted terror, violence, and every kind of genocide on the Albanian people, turning Albania into a real bunker. Among its membership ... ... comparing the Albanian left’s leadership is like comparing the great Gurakuqi with G.Ruçi, K.Islami, N.Dokle. leadership Europe has known in its postwar history. ... its membership ...

The shadow government resigns EDI PALOKA The “members” of the PS shadow government reacted immediately after the list was published in the newspaper “KJ”. Dukish called it a “provocation”; someone else took the absurdity further, saying that “KJ” had been bought by the government. In any case, one fact is certain: the shadow government resigned one day after it was announced. All those who denied being part of any shadow government have meanwhile begun “investigations” to discover who leaked the “secret”. The announced list has also prompted reactions within the PS: irony and cynicism from those PS officials who had hoped that the PS government would indeed have new, undiscredited faces. Many of those who still dreamed of the so-called renewal of the PS expressed their dismay, and even hoped that the list was false. Unfortunately, they will be disappointed in this hope too. Reliable sources within the PS confirm the list again, but not as a decision by the PS leadership: rather, it is a list that came out of the Tepelena prison cell. According to the source, it was the common criminal prisoner F.Nano who “proposed” this list solely as his own idea. Nano was surely prompted by the contribution made by PS leaders in defending the PS leaders in defense of the chairman. Meanwhile, Nano’s removal of Hajdaraga within the PS is interpreted not so much as a result of his failure to contribute to the Nano affair, but rather as stemming from Nano’s fear of his careerist ambitions. In the list, Nano has put those he thinks he can manipulate most easily. There is nothing surprising about the name G.Ruçi; Nano has shown that Ruçi is his trusted man. The fact that, despite opposition within the PS, Nano appointed Ruçi interior minister twice in the Nano 1 and Nano 2 governments shows that there is something unpublished that leads Nano to appoint no one else to the interior minister’s post. The PS leaders are now trying to convince those around them that there is no truth to anything concerning the published list. But the credibility of the PS leaders is virtually zero when they try to dismiss the fact that it had been prepared before the list of names was published. It is now clear that they deny this list, or that they belong to the group who know nothing except their own names, in the section of the group to whom the others kept the list secret, and now they do not know how to explain themselves.

The constellation shir jot suggests that we read the weekly political horoscope for March, which tells us that Skifter and a Rooster have begun preparing a song of motions that they call a motion. For this motion to be as perfect as possible, the initiators have called in the help of a certain Major Çupi and a group of M-L newspapers. The horoscope says that the group is facing serious difficulties; in particular, two major problems are troubling the authors of this motion. According to the horoscope, the authors are burnt-out meteors that flare up and fade quickly. The horoscope predicts—but says this is not certain—that the conclusion may turn from a gentle bird into a wild rooster, and that this possibility too can be formulated for consideration. The horoscope goes on to speculate that the motion, as they called it, may end up in the pages of “KJ”, because there is no hope of it appearing anywhere else; likewise, it would never occur to anyone to adopt it where published wonders last no more than three days, just as the technical government lasted, according to the horoscope. The horoscope expresses doubt that the hawks will be in agreement with their close comrade, because he is undecided: should he read the motion there, pursued and in charge, or not? The horoscope predicts that the terms of this motion have been imposed. The musical chords of this song have faded and cannot withstand the passage of time, just as its authors have not stood the test of time.

Karl Marx, the idol of the PS deputy chairman Page 2 “ZP” and Comrade Kaplan Alia are, as always, “right” Page 3

The shadow-government list has emerged from ...