President Berisha decrees: Yesterday, the President of the Republic, Mr. Sali Berisha, acting on the proposal of the Prime Minister and the Minister of Defence, decreed an amendment to the law “On military service in the armed forces.” Under this decree, which enters into force on 1 April 1995, the period of compulsory military service, currently 15 months, is reduced to 12 months.

On the Alia - Dokle - Bene scandal

After three years of government by the Democratic Party Commitments and their fulfilment On 22 March 1992, the Albanian people, with their free vote, freed themselves from one of the most brutal dictatorships Europe has ever known. On 22 March, the Albanian electorate voted against the communist dictatorship and its devastating consequences: humiliation, impoverishment, isolation, chaos, anarchy and organised crime. It voted for a free and independent Albania, for the establishment of the rule of law and a market economy, for respect for freedoms and human rights, and for the country’s integration into Europe—major objectives of the DP’s programme. The years ’92-’95 are the years in which democracy’s foundations were laid; they are three years of its vigorous development in our centuries-long history of misery, years of stable and substantial development. Taken as a whole, people—apart from the destitute—say that today they eat, dress, consume and travel several times better and more than they did three years ago. This overview presents a brief comparison between the objectives of the DP programme and the reality of its implementation over these three years. A. IN THE POLITICAL FIELD Three years ago, the DP’s electoral programme set out the following major political objectives: I. Preserving the country’s independence and sovereignty; II. Building a state governed by the rule of law; 1. Respecting and guaranteeing freedoms and rights Building a state based on respect for human freedoms and rights was undoubtedly another major objective of the DP programme. Together with the market economy, this would mark the replacement of the communist dictatorial system by a democratic system. In Albania, where freedoms and rights had been prohibited, the following have been achieved in accordance with the DP programme: 1-1 Freedom of thought and expression. More than 300 newspapers and magazines are now published in Albania, 96% of them privately owned; public broadcast antennas have taken the place of television jammers; Albanian TV, which used to broadcast 4 hours a day, now broadcasts 16 hours a day; programmes are retransmitted from 373 laws and decrees that replaced the laws of communism. Among these laws, the most important are constitutional laws such as: -The Charter of Human Freedoms and Rights -The Law on the Constitutional Court and the High Council of Justice -Local government -On the coat of arms, flag and capital -State Audit as well as other laws such as: -The Civil Code -The Criminal Code Laws on judicial bodies, the legal profession, the privatisation of housing, commercial companies, incorporation of owners, etc. Albania’s progress in the field of legislation is now more advanced than that of some Eastern European countries that began opening up to the world not years, but decades before us. Regarding the Constitution, the DP’s electoral programme states: “We will commit ourselves to drafting a modern democratic constitution, founded on the principle of the separation of legislative, executive and judicial powers.” Thus, the programme says that we will commit ourselves to drafting the Constitution, because its adoption cannot be determined by a single political force. The DP’s efforts concerning the Constitution—its drafting and adoption—have in fact gone far beyond the programme’s requirements. Let us turn to the facts: FIRST, constitutional laws meeting European standards were adopted which, according to the latest reports of the Council of Europe Commissions, “leave no legislative vacuum and fully guarantee a parliamentary system, the separation of powers, human freedoms and rights, and the independence of the courts.” The DP committed itself to drafting the Constitution and not only to drafting it, as required by the programme, but also to adopting it—unlike any other political force in the East. Thus, in cooperation with the Venice Commission, the following was achieved: 1. Drafting the Charter of Human Freedoms and Rights, which was [as printed: “u prill”] in 1993; 2. Drafting the Constitution and submitting it to Parliament on 13 June 1993. But the socialist leadership, intent on provoking a parliamentary crisis and early elections and leaving the country without a constitution, boycotted Parliament for four months. 3. In October 1994, President Berisha proposed a Constituent Assembly, which opposition leaders declared to be a failure and a constitutional coup; and the President, although under the constitutional laws the President does not have… (Continued on page 3) 1-2 Freedom of assembly and association Today, around 37 political parties and more than 160 independent associations, organizations and foundations operate in Albania’s pluralist system. 1-3 Freedom of movement. Albania today has the most liberal standards for its citizens’ travel abroad and for the movement of foreign nationals within the country. Visas have been abolished for citizens of 20 countries, and citizens of 8 other countries have the right to enter by obtaining visas at the border. 1-4 Freedom of conscience and belief In Albania, every citizen is free to believe, change their faith or not believe. Religion is separate from the state. Religious institutions are being rebuilt. This year, the Albanian Catholic Church received its first cardinal in its thousand-year history. Albania is a country of complete religious tolerance. 1-5 Freedom of property Free enterprise and private property are now dominant in the Albanian economy. More than 55% of GDP comes from the private sector. 1-6 The freedoms and rights of minorities There is no discrimination in Albania against members of minorities. According to the report of the OSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities, Albania has met the criteria of the Copenhagen Document in its treatment of minorities.

I express my profound gratitude to all those who have supported and continue to support reform Press conference by the President of the Republic, Mr. Sali Berisha I thought I would meet with you on the third anniversary of Albania’s break with the totalitarian system, on the third anniversary of the declaration by the Party ... achieved, built, established ... laws, institutions, decisions which, taken together, aim to lead Albania out, first of all, of its great past. In our psychology, we are not an ancient nation; we are a nation that loves its guest. A nation that loves its guest and values its guest as ... Albanians, despite the difficult history we have had, are a free country and a nation that helped found today’s Western civilisation. And there is no doubt whatsoever that our natural orientation is European, a Western orientation. I think that this major objective, too, has been achieved. When we look at the major steps taken towards Albania’s integration into Euro-Atlantic institutions, I am convinced that many of you, and all of us together, would have wanted all this to happen much faster. But it cannot happen much faster; that is, it cannot happen as quickly as we would like. Why? Let us not forget that the differences between Albania and the countries of Eastern Europe with which we began this journey are greater—much greater—than the differences between the countries of Eastern Europe and the countries of Eastern Europe th The country in Europe, these are major objectives of the DP program. The years ’92–’95 are the years that laid the foundations of democracy; millennia-old history, years of stable development and consolidation. Therefore, today, after three years of democracy and at a time when we still have 1/4 of our term ahead of us, it is both legitimate and necessary to take as accurate an account as possible, a critical and meticulous look at the three-year implementation of the DP program—the most serious program the Albanian nation has known in its history. This program saved Albania from the precipice of history, towards which the Albanian red nomenklatura was pushing it, and gave our ancient nation its first three years of linear democratic development. The program is the DP’s pledge, its contract with the Albanian electorate, with democracy, with Albania and Europe. It is the hope, ideal, courage, sacrifice, realization and creation of those who voted for the DP and its program, of those who fought for a different Albania. Today, we can state with satisfaction that, over these three years, by implementing its program, the DP has kept its pledge to the Albanian electorate and fulfilled its historic contract. It saved Albania, “the Somalia of Europe,” and brought it out of the great loneliness, deep isolation, misery, despair and destruction into which the communist regime had plunged it. These things are not evidenced by words, but by facts—and the facts themselves speak: the great transformations in every field, the laws that have been adopted and the new institutions that have been established. They are evidenced by the many documents of international institutions, the IMF, the World Bank, the EBRD and others, which have assessed Albania through their close cooperation with it. They have described Albania as the country of surprising success. The figures speak for themselves… …democratic program for replacing the communist dictatorship with the rule of law and a market economy. Three years of history are not a long time. Three years are not a long time for a thousand-year-old nation such as ours. Nevertheless, I would say they are a long time. They are like 300 years, because they are three years of democracy, three years of vigorous democratic development in a country and nation that has been on this land for hundreds of years. Albanians have made powerful attempts to move towards democracy before, too. The attempts of the 1920s are among the most valuable, but what Albanians experienced in the 1920s was more a set of messages than a foundation, because, as you know, after Noli’s powerful attempts, Ahmet Zogu did not move towards a constitutional monarchy but towards an absolutist monarchy which, to be truthful, was many times more democratic than the regimes that would come later. If we compare human freedoms and rights during the monarchy, they undoubtedly had a much greater scope than they would later have under the totalitarian regime. Nevertheless, I believe it is clear that Ahmet Zogu’s absolutist monarchy did not manage to develop Albania into a genuine democracy or to develop democratic values. Thus, these three years are the first time we have achieved linear, vigorous democratic development in Albania. That is why I said these three years are very important in our history. They are the first years of a system that will develop and consolidate in Albania the values of democracy, the rule of law, the market economy and capitalist society—capitalism, without which it has been conclusively proven, there can be no democracy. It is a condition for having democracy and freedom in the future. During these three years… …very important, historic. …on the privatization of housing, commercial companies, compensation for property decades before us. As for the Constitution, the DP’s electoral program says, “We will commit ourselves to drafting a contemporary, the legislative, executive and judicial powers.” Thus, the program force. And the DP’s proposals for the Constitution, its drafting and adoption have gone far beyond the program’s reports of the Venice Commission/Council of Europe, “do not allow a legislative vacuum, freedoms and rights, and the independence of the courts.” Many … were discussed… cannot be much faster. But these cannot be much faster; that is, they cannot proceed as quickly as some between Albania and the Eastern European countries with which we began our journey are much, much greater than the differences between Eastern European countries and Western Europe today. While the Romanian dictator was building ultraluxurious palaces, the Albanian dictator was filling the country with bunkers. And when Marxist leaders in Eastern European countries attempted to open up, they were accused by the Albanian leadership of betraying Marxism and revisionism. Or another very simple example: Let us go back six years and look at the difference in wages between Albanians and Romanians, between Albanians and Bulgarians. I can tell you that it was 15–25 times. So I believe we must be realistic, and realism in history is more necessary for moving forward than anything else; it is essential to ensure progress. Our progress towards Europe is therefore certain; its integration is advancing. Naturally, it cannot proceed at the same speed as Hungary’s. To claim otherwise would not be a realistic political analysis, especially when the united Europe itself now envisages different orbits and speeds within it, and this has its own logic. In our foreign policy, we established our natural and traditional alliances and friendships. Historically, the Albanian people have regarded the German nation as their great and natural friend. I believe developments between our two countries over these three years have been historic. Albanians have always seen the United States as the country of freedom, an important factor in Europe’s stability, but also as the country that saved them from unjust partition and disappearance, as other powers had contemplated at the beginning of this century. It was Willson who refused to sign the further partition of Albania. I believe relations with this country have continued to develop rapidly and very positively. Albania has very good and friendly relations with Italy, a neighbor that helped us greatly during a difficult period and made a major contribution through humanitarian aid as well as rapid action. To be realistic, Operation “Pelican” was an extraordinary operation… (Continued on page 2)

In 1991, Albania experienced one of the most dramatic moments in its history. Before leaving, the red nomenklatura and the secret police organised destruction that spared neither schools, hospitals, high-voltage power lines, trees, warehouses nor depots. Everything [unclear in source: “million shqiptare”] poured into exoduses, which a distinguished figure and friend of Albania called biblical exoduses. Albanians were driven into despair, as the only poor people in Europe, cursing themselves and their country. Albania was surviving on handouts that it was not even able to distribute. For Albanians and Europe, the country faced a truly dreadful alternative. During these three years, Albania not only consolidated its independence and sovereignty, but also became an important factor for peace and stability in the region. It showed that it knows how to defend the independence, sovereignty and dignity not only of the state, but also of the values on which democratic society rests. Never in its history has our country been more sovereign, more independent and freer than during these three [years]. Major objectives in the political field: guaranteeing human freedoms and rights, as well as respecting the rights of minorities; 2. establishing legislation in Albania that meets European standards; 3. reforming the judicial branch of government; 4. territorial reform of local government; 5. depoliticising institutions; 6. in-depth reform of legislation and the judicial system. Let us analyse the achievement of these objectives in the light of the facts.

In this area, in accordance with the program, the following has been achieved over these three years: 2-1 Adoption in parliament of… (Continued on page 3)

Photo: A. Babani

Photo: A. Babani

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