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FADIL KEPI

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After more than a week of discussion and review in all the standing parliamentary committees, the State Budget Bill for 1995 was presented yesterday to the deputies for consideration and approval in a plenary session. At the beginning of yesterday’s plenary session, the Chairman of the Presidium of the People’s Assembly, Mr. Pjetër Arbnori, gave the floor to the Prime Minister of Albania, Mr. Aleksander Meksi, to deliver the relevant report on the State Budget Bill for 1995. After Mr. Meksi’s general overview of the budget, the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Finance, Mr. Dylber Vrioni, focused in the report he delivered to Parliament on this occasion on several more specific elements of the budget bill for review and approval. “First of all,” Mr. Vrioni said, “I would like to point out (Continued on page 2)

Mr. Chairman, Honorable women and gentlemen deputies, In implementing last year’s budget, the Government faced problems that our society is experiencing during this period of transition, such as: -the relatively low economic level of a large part of the population; -the need for new jobs; -the rehabilitation of infrastructure, which is in poor and outdated condition and unable to withstand and support economic development. -the deepening of institutional reforms and the drafting of comprehensive, modern legislation, with the aim of supporting long-term economic growth through the private sector, -the expansion and improvement of the social assistance scheme, with the aim of helping the sections of society facing the most difficult economic conditions, etc. The presentation of the 1995 budget coincides with the Government’s third anniversary. Despite the extremely difficult social and economic conditions it encountered at the beginning of its mandate, and the difficulties of the transition from a centrally planned economy to a market economy, the Government has worked to establish an institutional and economic foundation, drawing on the experience and direct assistance of Western democracies. This continues to be the Government’s objective, even though this is the final year of its mandate. The halting of the decline in production and the economic growth observed in 1993, amounting to 11 percent, followed by another considerable increase in gross domestic product of 7.4 percent last year, make us more optimistic about the continuity of the elections and the continuation of the program along the lines already defined and presented to you in detail in 1993 in the medium-term program for 1993–1996. In 1995 as well, the Government is determined to work for economic growth, as well as for the creation of new jobs and long-term employment. The public investment program, presented to you in detail, is an important element in helping achieve this objective. We will also continue to support and establish other institutions to promote private business and create new jobs. Thus, this year too, the Government will continue to support the Enterprise Restructuring Agency, the Foundation for the Support of Small and Medium-Sized Businesses (SME), the Rural Development Foundation, as well as the Foundation for Participation, Self-Employment and Vocational Training. Also this year, we have firm support from the U.S. government, and the German government will support the Albanian Government in establishing two new foundations that will support small and medium-sized businesses. Our objective is also to establish Albania’s first development bank by the end of 1995. (Continued on page 4) the end of 1995. (Continued on page 4) long-term economic growth through the private sector, - objective of helping the section of society facing the most difficult economic conditions, etc. (Continued on page 2) for the fairness of the elections and for the continuation of the program along the lines established medium-term program for 1993–1996. For

Although, of course, “ZP” will not inform its readers, we are letting them know that the new resolution omits from the previous resolution precisely letter E of point three, which states: Mr. Nano has been accused and convicted, among other things, of document forgery, acts which, according to the resolution, amount more to an abuse of power. Point 7 of the old resolution is also missing. It states that: (IPU) Wishes to be assured that Mr. Nano will be able to receive visits from his colleagues and lawyers, and of the prospect of his release. Hajdaraga will certainly not tell the ZP people these things, because he has no way to justify the tens of thousands of dollars he has spent on his trips defending corruption. The reasons for which he is doing this will become known later. NDREKE GJINI

Yesterday, on April 3, 1995, the President of the Republic, Sali Berisha, in His capacity as Chairman of the Defense Council, signed the decision to establish the Defense College in Tirana, the first of its kind in our country. The College will train civilian and military leaders in matters of security policy and the country’s defense policy, as well as concepts of international relations and regional security. The Defense College will be inaugurated today, April 4, 1995.

Interview with the Chairman of the Albanian Parliament delegation to the 93rd IPU Conference in Madrid, Mr. Ali Spahia Question—Mr. Spahia, you headed the delegation of the Parliament ... such as: The international community ... the repercussions that it has on rights in the face of challenges from disasters that ... and fundamental human freedoms.

Interview with the Chairman of the Albanian Parliament delegation to the 93rd IPU Conference in Madrid, Mr. Ali Spahia Question: Mr. Spahia, you headed the Albanian Parliament delegation to the IPU. What issues were discussed at this conference? Answer: The 93rd IPU Conference, held in Madrid from 27.3.1995 to 1.4.1995, considered a large number of issues, including those that are currently of greatest concern to all humanity and are of interest to very broad circles of scientists, philosophers, and politicians of the most varied persuasions. Apart from procedural matters, a great deal of time was devoted to a highly topical issue, namely “Bioethics and its global implications for the protection of human rights.” Many speakers who addressed this issue spoke about the ethical and moral aspects of modern genetics and the possible consequences this new field of science may have for the protection of human rights and fundamental human freedoms. Naturally, the central place at the Conference was occupied by item 5 on the agenda, the general debate on the political, economic, and social situation in the world. I also took part in this debate on behalf of the Albanian Parliament. I spoke about the political situation in Albania three years after the victory of democracy, economic development, especially the path of this development, the main aims of the new Albanian democracy, about ... (Continued on page 2)

EDI PALOKA After November 6, 1994, convinced by the propaganda they themselves manufacture that Albanians feel nostalgic for the time when they governed, the communist leaders of the PS decided to drop their masks and, without scruples, openly declare all their beliefs and aims. Thus, since November 6, 1994, every day they have been admitting with their own mouths what we have accused them of all along: that they are the same as before. The facsimiles below from “ZP” prove this better than anything.

The PSSH program is based on general principles that serve as guiding points for the policy and practical activity of its members. These principles stem from the legacy of thought ... [?] and the historical experience of the Albanian people. ... [?] of humanist philosophy; humanism and Marxism, as well as contemporary currents with a democratic socialist orientation. “ZP,” December 8, 1994 A few days after PS Vice-Chairman Servet Pellumbi sent messages of support to the cheers for Enver Hoxha at the Academy of Arts, on December 8, 1994, “ZP” published the “new” PSSH program, which clearly emphasizes that the PSSH program is based on the legacy of the Albanian socialists and the principles of Marxist philosophy. What the legacy of the Albanian “socialists” is, after 50 years of their adherence to Marxist principles, is well known to Albanians, including us; further comment is unnecessary.

With the beginnings of Albanian pluralism, it was used increasingly to attack ... [?] ... Thus, with the liberation and ... [?] ... national circumstances ... [?] State Security ... [?] ... “ZP”, March 28, 1995 Time showed that the return to Marxism was only a ... [?] ... On March 28, ’95, in “ZP”, their step would be ... [?] ... “State Security”. E. Hoxha and his successors ... [?] ... Why comment further?

Although it did not win the electoral contest on March 22, 1992, the Socialist Party, abiding by the verdict of the people and respecting the principles of pluralist democracy, with ... [?] ... the Democratic Party, without ever thinking of rallies or counter-rallies, criminal gatherings or April 2, 1991, when ... [?] were won. “ZP”, March 31, 1995 ZP, the arch-criminal, has crossed every limit on March 31, 1995. Just as they were described by the Albanian Socialist Party after their murder on April 2, 1991, so too will ... [?] describe the martyrs and victims of the April 2 massacre, on March 31, 1995, as vandals and criminals. ZP’s position on April 2 cannot be ... [?] even today. “ZP”, March 31, 1995

Question: Is the accusation made against you—that Enver Hoxha is your spiritual father—true? Answer: This is another old tale circulating in Albanian public opinion, undoubtedly for speculative political reasons. I have acknowledged, and of course I cannot ... [?] ... Enver Hoxha is his father from a “political point of view”, and that all his “shortcomings in terms of new democratic developments... do not constitute any obstacle to Nano ... “ZP”, April 2, 1995

In his previous responses concerning the $400,000 scandal, Mr. Dokle and the PS leadership did not address the facts; instead, they preferred word games and general counteraccusations that evaded the issue. Apparently, they hoped to avoid the truth, to slip away from it by throwing up smokescreens and shifting the matter from the arena of confronting the available facts to that of an ordinary propaganda war. In other words, to escape by marginalizing it and keeping it in the shadows. In sharp contrast to those insincere responses, the PS press spokesperson’s statement, published the day before yesterday in ZP, perhaps reveals ... [?] ... perhaps unintentionally, and perhaps deliberately—and for this he should be congratulated on his courage—a new position, the situation as it is truly reflected in the ... [?] of a single authority in the scandal. The first thing that stands out in the spokesperson’s statement is the lowering of the tone and the immediate shift to a defensive stance, which shows that the ... considers the guilt clear and that it must be acknowledged courageously; or else the fear is truly great this time, the hare has got in and is moving freely around in the belly, and ... [?] I must suffer for Namik and his comrades. Naturally, such a position can be taken only when the guilty parties feel themselves hemmed in on all sides by facts, when they see that no alibi holds water anymore. It must also be said that the statement in no way aims to shed light on the truth. In essence, it explains nothing; it only justifies. Every Albanian knows that in the time of the Party of Labour, the party-state, the funds for its propaganda came from the state budget (this is documented)—that is, from the sweat and blood of three million Albanians—and that the “solidarity funds” were not made up of “donations” from Marxist-Leninist parties, since those parties were not in power. On the contrary, as the archives show, these so-called “M-L parties” extorted cars, dollars, grenades and Kalashnikovs. (Continued on page 2)

From the activities organized in Shkoder on the occasion of April 2 It was the fourth anniversary of April 2, the day the communist beast carried out its bloody massacre, firing on the democratic people of Shkoder, who had come out that unforgettable day to protest against the bloodthirsty dictatorship. That day showed what the dictatorship was: it fired into the crowd without a second thought, killing the four martyrs of democracy and wounding around 80 people, who were mercilessly ... [?]. They, too, were in fact killed, because the bullet was meant to kill them, and the fact that they survived by chance does not lessen the murderous hand. That day the Party of Labour killed Shkoder. The Slavic communist system, the “most humane” system Albania has ever known, once again shot at Shkoder, whose ... [?] it had killed under the dictatorship. As had been announced, at this ... (Continued on page 2) she said not to ... [?] ... mit ...oje ... roje ... getit ... ania ... mist ...