At the invitation of the President of the Republic, Mr. Sali Berisha, the Federal President of Austria, Mr. Thomas Klestil, will arrive in Albania on 2 May 1995 for an official visit. He will be accompanied by the Foreign Minister, Mr. Alois Mok, and other government officials. A large group of businesspeople and journalists will also come with his delegation. The purpose of this visit is to strengthen the traditional relations between our two friendly countries and further develop active bilateral cooperation. During his stay, the Austrian Head of State will hold talks with President Sali Berisha and meet with other senior state figures. Press and Information Office of the President

BLERIM ÇELA From the very first glance at the style and similarity between the PS statement and Mr. Dokle's article, “Who Are You, Mr. Murke?”, published in “ZP” on 1.4.1995, one can tell that the author is Namik Dokle, following the principle of writing it himself and stamping it himself. The tradition continues to be upheld consistently, from PP to PS, from Enver Hoxha and Ramiz Alia to Fatos Nano and Namik Dokle. When I read these two pieces by Mr. Dokle, I began to laugh—not only at what was discussed above, but also at the fact that the PS is making someone else the fall guy and leaving him at their door; that they took 400 thousand dollars from them, disguised themselves as purchasing a printing press costing 400 thousand dollars, and that the Government should give them the remaining 250 thousand dollars, whose whereabouts are unknown. Once again, we are clarifying matters for the public, because Mr. Dokle knows this practice well. By Decision No. 104, dated 10.12.1990, “On Certain Expenditures from the Solidarity Fund,” signed by R. Alia, it was decided to give “ZP” 400 thousand dollars to purchase a printing press, of which the first installment of 150,000 dollars was to be disbursed in December 1990. …the former CC of the PPSH, from 1964 to 1991, is to be subject to a financial audit by the State Audit Office. The audit being conducted for this purpose shows that, under Decision No. 104 of the Secretariat of the CC of the PPSH, dated 10.2.1990, 400 thousand dollars were made available to the editorial office of “ZP” to purchase a printing press from the company New Concept Printing and publishing service LTD. [Reproduced document: TRANSFER ORDER; ALBANIAN STATE BANK; ZËRI I POPULLIT NEWSPAPER; Amount 2,500,000...; “made available to the newspaper ‘Zëri i popullit’ for the purchase of a printing press ...”] [The document and article continue beyond the edge of the image.] Pursuant to the above decision, the amount in dollars was transferred to the editorial office by transfer order No. 098.665, dated 27.12.1990—150,000 dollars, and transfer order No. 328.164, dated 11.3.1991—250,000 dollars, totaling 400,000 dollars. By transfer order No. 083116, dated 19.4.1991, 150 thousand dollars were transferred to the above-mentioned bank on their behalf. This sum appears as a debit in the account, since nothing has arrived from the company for the printing press. A statement of expenses of 1,500 dollars was submitted for three people who went to Canada regarding the printing press. The remaining amount, around 250 thousand dollars, was used for various needs of the newspaper's editorial office. The editorial office presented no other documentation requested by the audit team, such as a contract or any other document, to clarify this matter. Nor was any correspondence presented explaining what would be done with the 150 dollars transferred to the company, a sum that has remained a debit in the account since 1991. The verification report is made in three copies. Audit Team for the “ZP” Editorial Office Bashkim Spahia Perparim Xhixha Viron Prodani Drita Sheshi So, the matter is perfectly clear. The full 400 thousand dollars were received. Of that amount, 150,000 dollars went to the company in Canada for the printing press, which, along with the money, is nowhere to be seen, and 250 thousand dollars were used for the newspaper's needs. What needs? No explanation is given. Why were the other 250,000 dollars not transferred to the company to complete the purchase and obtain the printing press? No explanation. Why are you asking the Government for 250,000 dollars to make up the 400 thousand dollars for the printing press when you received that money on 11 March 1991? Where did you put it? Aren't you ashamed, Mr. Dokle, and those who issue such statements to the press? Where are the 150 thousand dollars sent to Canada? Although you frittered away the other 250 thousand dollars—or God knows what you did with them—why don't you ask for the return of the 150 thousand dollars sent to Canada? And whom are you telling that three people went to Canada for 1,500 dollars (you, Mr. Dokle, were one of them)? Air tickets alone cost at least 4,000 dollars, not to mention food and accommodation. Or was there no need for that, since you had 150,000 dollars available from Ramiz Alia and Benci was waiting for you there? As for the other matters—whether you had money or not, the sources of financing of the Solidarity Fund, etc.—we have all the documents and will publish them so that the domestic and international public may learn that you are the ideological and financial heirs of the Party of Labour, and that you remain what you were: renewed Communists, or simply Neocommunists.

For the first time, Dokle is forced to publicly admit: - That 400 thousand dollars were taken from the state budget for “ZP” - To save himself, Dokle accuses the Party Dokle admits that the entire sum was withdrawn by “ZP” and used for other purposes. Dokle incriminates himself and his Party - The money earmarked for the printing press was withdrawn from the bank by Dokle and his associates to buy land plots ... - A major PS deception: Their statement that they did not buy the printing press because they had not received the money is disproved - After paying $150 thousand, Dokle changes his mind about the other $250 thousand. Why, how, and what happened ... [The article continues beyond the edge of the image.]

EDI PALOKA Yesterday's face-off on television between Dokle and the facts presented by the Chairman of the State Audit Service was enough to completely unmask him and the PS regarding the matter of the missing 400 thousand dollars. Yesterday on TV, before the Albanian public, after trying to deceive them—initially in unison with the statement of the PSSH spokesperson—and confronted with the facts in the documents, Dokle was forced for the first time to admit some of the accusations directed at him and his Party. Point by point, Namik Dokle was forced to admit the following: 1. At first, just as the “PSSH spokesperson” had stated under cover, Dokle tried to deceive the public by saying that the money in the Solidarity Fund (from which the 400 thousand dollars for “ZP” were withdrawn) did not come from the state budget. Just a few minutes later, confronted with the documents, he was forced to admit that the Solidarity Fund was established and maintained with money from the state budget. 2. In wishing to respond to the Director of the State Archives regarding the fact that terrorist groups were financed from the Solidarity Fund, in his public statement he used different words: “The PPSH treated the Solidarity Fund as a budget outside the state budget.” There is just one thing I do not understand: why did Mr. Dokle not say this earlier on TV? Why did he not do it in time, when he knew? 3. Dokle tried to argue that the financing of “ZP” from the state budget through the PPSH was proper and, according to him, it was the PSSH that received money from the profits of “ZP” (“The PSSH treated the PS as slaves”). But documents obtained from the archives of the CC of the PPSH and presented by Mr. Blerim Çela proved that the exact opposite of what Dokle said was true: throughout its existence, “ZP” had been financed from the budget to cover its losses. Dokle clarified only one thing about the financing: whether “ZP” was funded from the Solidarity Fund while being considered a terrorist organization of terrorism until then. 4. After recounting the now familiar story of the transfer of 400 thousand dollars from the Solidarity Fund to ZP and the transfer of 150 thousand dollars to Canada, and after speaking of phantom contracts (since he presented no contract on TV) which, strangely, did not penalize “ZP” even if the funds were not disbursed, Dokle repeated what he had written in the spokesperson's statement about the other 250 thousand dollars. According to his initial words, “ZP” had not managed to withdraw the 250 thousand dollars from the bank and had even requested them from the Meksi government. When confronted again with documents proving that “ZP” had also withdrawn the 250 thousand dollars, Dokle changed his position within minutes and admitted that the money belonged to “ZP”—that is, it had been withdrawn—and “can now be used to obtain the printing press.” 5. Thus, contrary to what he had said until now, Dokle was forced to admit that the entire sum of 400 thousand dollars had been received by “ZP”. So why has it not been used to obtain the printing press until now? Dokle's answer is absurd: according to him, they waited for permission from the government because they could not use that money without such permission. Dokle himself contradicted this absurd claim when he stated that part of this money (the 250 thousand dollars) had been used to buy a warehouse in Laprake, and that the “enterprise responsible for publishing ‘ZP’” was accountable for the rest. The shift from the PS spokesperson's statement to Dokle's denial of it is truly remarkable. Not only was the money received, but it was used to buy warehouses and for other purposes by Dokle and his associates. So there you have it: one by one, all the lies Dokle and those backing him tried to present as arguments have been exposed, while the question “Where did the 400 thousand dollars disappear to?” still has no answer. Caught in such a situation, trapped by facts and documents, Dokle tried, as always, to create a web of words and issues unrelated to the missing 400 thousand dollars, but finally, in desperation, sought to discredit those around him by disputing their conclusions. Dear reader, the “RD” newspaper has informed you, and continues to inform you, about the PS's “Progresi,” which Dokle mentioned only in passing in his remarks. More information will be provided later in “RD”. was giving a remainder of are clarifying the matter to give “ZP” 400 thousand dollars for the purchase of a printing press, of which the first installment was to be disbursed in December 1990, in the amount of 150,000 dollars. On the basis of this decision, the Finance Sector of the CC of the PP issued an order for the transfer of foreign currency to the State General Bank, to transfer 250,000 dollars from account 902/102/09 of the CC to the newspaper “ZP” for the purchase of a printing press. The order was signed by Mr. Sabaudin Kodra and Ms. Flutura Araniti. The transfers began as follows: Transfer order 018665, dated 20.12.1990 = 150,000 dollars “ ” 328164 “ 5.3.1991 = 250,000 “ Total: 400,000 dollars So “ZP” received the money, but Mr. Dokle, both in his statement (that is, to the PS) and in the article mentioned above, explicitly says: “The Albanian State Bank never completed, not even by a single cent, the account opened for ‘ZP’ by transfer order No. 328164, dated 12 March 1991, in the amount of 250,000 thousand dollars.” He goes on to say that “ZP” did not receive the money ahead of time, had no opportunity to transfer it to the Canadian company for the purchase of a printing press, and that “the political motives behind Berlim Cela’s audit are also understandable.” In his argument, Namik Dokle has forgotten that he is being accused by the auditor Berlim Cela. What Berlim does not understand about agriculture, Namiku cannot understand about finance; so, although he knows very well that he received the money, he is trying to pin it on someone who has spent his entire life working in finance. Mr. Dokle, I will now explain what you do not understand. You do not understand the difference between the date on which the transfer order was drawn up and the date on which the bank transferred the money from the account being debited (SKFA—initials of the people responsible for the CC’s finances: Sabaudin Kodra and Flutura Aranitasit) in account No. 902/102/09 to the credit of account No. 608/107 of the newspaper “Zeri i Popullit.” The transfer order was drawn up on 5.3.1991, and the financial transaction was executed (that is, the transfer of the money from the CC to “ZP”) on 11.3.1991, a date that you yourself also cite. When there is no money, the bank returns the transfer order to the ordering entity (in this case, the CC) without carrying out the transaction. When there is money, the bank stamps the right-hand side of the transfer order, which is signed by two people; this certifies the transfer order, which is signed by two people, and confirms that the money was transferred from one account (the CC’s) to another (that of “ZP”). So, Mr. Namik, you did receive the money; there is no way for you to deny it. A verification report concerning this money was drawn up on 9.7.1993 at the editorial office of the newspaper “ZP,” between State Audit inspectors Mr. Bashkim Spahia, State Audit inspectors Mr. Bashkim Spahia and Viron Prodani, and Mr. Perparim Xhixha and Klio(?)gariten, Ms. Drita Sheshi. To make Mr. Dokle understand that I read the materials of the State Audit Service inspectors carefully, I quote the verification on this issue word for word, as well as every verification report concerning this issue—if you have any documents, that is; explanations will not help you get away with what you have done. No, the State Audit: our verification report dated 9.7.1993: Here is what report No. 183, dated 14.5.1992, point 3, says: “In implementation of Council of Ministers Decision No. 183, dated 14.5.1992, point 3, it was excluded from the economic-financial review and reflects the creation and use of the foreign-currency Fund of ...”

—Could it be that the PS has opened another Solidarity Fund? “Alternative budget proposal”—under this label, left-wing newspapers have been promoting these days a so-called opposition budget proposal. This idea is not only absurd but also ridiculous; socialist leaders are trying to use it crudely for propaganda. How can the socialist opposition present a budget proposal for the program of the democratic government? The absurdity of this “idea” borders on madness. That opposition, which since 22 March has resisted in every way the reform of enterprises by the Meksi government, is now apparently presenting Parliament with a “Budget Proposal” according to which the democratic government should conduct its work. That opposition which has opposed and attacked the reform at every moment and in every aspect, and has declared that if it comes to power it will turn back the clock, is now presenting an “alternative budget proposal” to the Meksi government. Nevertheless, the absurdity of such an act lies not only in its political aspect—which is undoubtedly the most important—but also in its practical aspect. The democratic government has its own program, presented to Albanians first as the platform of the PD, a platform with which the PD won the votes of nearly 70% of the electorate, decisively defeating the PS program. To implement this program, which has so far been quite successful, it is the democratic government that will determine where investments will go, what funding a sector should receive, and how much another sector should spend. No one's logic can accept that, in order to implement a government's program, the budget should be “set by the opposition.” Certainly, the opposition may make proposals on specific points, but an opposition such as this—one that is totally against every action taken by the democratic government—has no moral right to do so. The opposition's presentation of an “alternative” budget proposal is entirely illogical. But perhaps the PS leaders have decided to play with shadows once again and prepare this shadow budget proposal. It is perfectly clear that this whole game is being played solely for propaganda purposes, to show people that PS leaders are very generous with distributing money they do not have and will never have. Has the PS itself opened another solidarity fund to implement this alternative budget proposal? Could it be that the PS has opened another solidarity fund to finance the Meksi government's budget? ALBION ORHANASI

Address by the Chairman of the Albanian Parliamentary Delegation, Mr. Ali Spahia, at the 93rd Inter-Parliamentary Conference in Madrid, 27 March–1 April 1995 The truth is in the photomontage, not in the headline The wolves always keep their heads turned toward the forest