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Rilindja Demokratike

E enjte 6 Prill 1995

Corruption has been and remains with you, neo-communists, Mr. Doke!

For the first time Doke is forced to admit publicly: - That 400,000 dollars were taken from the state budget for "ZP" - Doke, in order to save himself, accuses the Party Doke admits that the entire sum was withdrawn from "ZP" and was used for other purposes. Doke brings down himself and his Party - The money intended for the printing press was taken from the bank by Doke and his associates for land purchases - Great deception by the PS: Their statement is exposed that they did not buy the printing press because they did not receive the money - After paying 150,000 $, Doke changes his mind about another 250,000 $. Why, how and when will be clarified later EDI PALOKA Since the summer of 1991, and especially with the arrival at the head of the central headquarters of the PS of Fatos Nano and the governmental corporation APS, Fshatari Nano and Koko Pjeteri with their associates have worked with their diligent zeal to continue the denigration of President Berisha and of the Democratic Party. This also includes the fabricated version of how the loan taken for its printing press was supposedly used by the Democratic Party. In order to justify himself and his like, Doke tries to throw dust in the eyes of public opinion and to unveil "new facts" about the use of the 400,000 dollars taken by the Democratic Party with the Italian loan, we are still also clarifying this to the public: According to government decision no. 95 dated 20.2.1991, the loan granted by Italy of 1,000,000 dollars for the students' political movement would be used as follows: 400,000 dollars for the purchase of the PDSH printing press, 250,000 dollars for "ZP", 250,000 dollars for the purchase of typefaces for the PS, and 100,000 dollars for its other organizational needs. You took it upon yourself to order and initiate the extortion of the money and the purchase of land plots, as the documents of 28.6.1991 and 2.7.1991 testify, with the signatures of Doke, Suli and P. Kokalari. These funds, it is stated in the document (no. 235104), were withdrawn under the pretext of payment for the Italian printing press. On the contrary, it had not even been ordered yet. The money was to be deposited into the account of the Italian company "PSSM" at the end of June 1991. However, as emerges from a series of bank documents published earlier, the sum of 2,500,000 lek is withdrawn on 13.7.1991 by V. Suli with a cheque bearing Doke's signature and on that very day is sent as payment for the purchase of land. The same happened with the 2,000,000 lek withdrawn on 22.7.1991 with a cheque signed by Doke, and with the 5,000,000 lek withdrawn on 1.8.1991, on Doke's order. With those same funds payment would be made for the purchase of the plot of land with an area of 1,973 m2 in the area of "Zharr" in Tirana, near the old ATSH building. So, out of the total figure of 400,000 dollars taken from the Italian loan, the PS spent 150,000 dollars on the printing press, while the other 250,000 dollars were used for completely different purposes, deceiving the broader public into believing that the printing press had been bought with the 400,000 dollars. It is ridiculous and disgusting that Doke today accuses the Democratic Party of having taken 150,000 dollars from the Italian loan for its printing press, and the PS 250,000 dollars for its own printing press. This is true. But it must be stressed here that the PS bought its printing press with the 150,000 dollars taken from the loan, whereas the other 250,000 dollars were used for other purposes. Of course, this is not an argument to justify themselves and the Italian government that granted the loan, although it is equally true that the DP received 150,000 dollars for its printing press, it is equally true that the PS received 150,000 dollars for its printing press and used another 250,000 dollars to buy land. It is enough to compare the invoices of the Democratic Party's printing press with the PS bank documents to bring the truth fully to light. However, for the sake of public opinion, we present them in detail below. The invoice for the PS printing press, which was published in Zëri i Popullit, confirms that its real value was only 150,000 dollars. The invoice is this: No. 018563, date 4.2.1992 150,000 dollars No. 023466, date 20.4.1992 5,000 dollars Total 155,000 dollars Without deducting the 5 percent profit according to the contract, the 5,000 dollars calculated on 20.4.1992 are something else. There is not a single printing press in the world that costs, even at the most expensive prices, only 400,000 dollars, if nobody has yet managed to build also some factory, which of course is not the case with the printing press ordered by the PS, which has never even managed to become independent with its building and other auxiliary premises. The page of "ZP" in the issues of 31.3.1995 and 4.4.1995 tries to brush the question aside in a confused way. But it cannot escape in any way the fundamental question: Where did the other 250,000 dollars go? ZP itself admits that it withdrew 400,000 dollars from the bank for the printing press. But the printing press, paid according to the documents and invoice, was bought for 150,000 dollars. The PS itself and "ZP" produce a document announcing that the printing press was bought for 150,000 dollars. In reality, such a "lapsus" costs dearly. The PS is turning against itself, since it declares how much the printing press cost and how much it paid for it. So the question remains entirely: Where did the other 250,000 dollars go? At once Mr. Doke appeals to the former PPSh and today's PPSH to save him with some fake and justifying document, just as he is trying to save himself also with "ZP". Wanting to avoid the main question, Doke tries to feed us stories of properties and land that were supposedly bought for party headquarters. But how did the Socialist Party buy its land with an Italian loan granted for a printing press? Perhaps with the permission of KOP or IPS? And for which party did Doke pay? For that of the dead PPSH, or for that of the PS born on 12.6.1991? (continued on page 4) The invoice published in "ZP"
Albion Dhrami Fatos Nano Koko Pjeteri Berisha V. Sulit Itali Tiranë Zharr

The shadow budget of the shadow government

Could it be that the PS has opened another solidarity fund? Just as it assaulted the phantom government's program, the stitched-up and closed opposition is presenting this "alternative project" to the government as well. The absurd proposal belonged to only one political force and had no broad support, but today it is served in a different guise. Of course, this is not a reason to neglect this act, but it is all the more reason to examine it with full dedication. It is a duty that arises even from the concern caused by the presentation of a project that goes beyond the bounds of a theoretical and political exercise. Starting from the way the "program" has been conceived and from the fact that it has still not broken away from the framework of rhetoric, it is clear that at every point it contains no incentive for anything further, other than an attempt to blacken the government and confuse people's minds as much as possible. In this project one can discern theses that recall the well-known stories of heavenly money and earthly happiness, money without sweat and land without work. The project's budget genre can make no exception either. As a result, the language and terminology filled with superlatives in the opposition's project cannot conceal under the cloak of propaganda the economic and social cost of the electoral promises called the budget's rational veil. To claim that the budget deficit can be kept under control by raising wages and pensions at dizzying rates while lowering taxes means insulting the intelligence of Albanians. To make the above dogma seem credible, the project also includes a part of supplementary income from savings. One might say that this project too follows in the footsteps of the "program" by throwing invented money into the state treasury, without asking where it will come from. Thus, additional revenue of 150 million lek is calculated under the item "VAT", otherwise known as value added tax. Such revenue appears as a reduction in fiscal evasion. To be as understanding as Mr. Doke, the question would be: where did the opposition get this figure from? It is a question that could also be addressed to the deputy chairman of the economy committee, and as far as we know, it could also be answered by the party president, if he has received a little of those 250,000 dollars unused for the printing press. Further on, the opposition seeks to fill the treasury with money earned from the rigorous implementation of the law. Of course, the law must be enforced. But that can by no means be taken as a basis for drafting the budget. Otherwise logic would lead to absurdity. Taking into account the high number of thefts recorded by police statistics during 1994 and the related punishments, the government could project considerable revenue from theft fines. Electricity thefts are equally high according to the statistics. Should this perhaps become a source of financing for the state budget? It seems absurd. It is not by chance that the phantom opposition project calls it such. The inclusion of these figures under the revenue item is a clapping scam. Without dwelling on all the items, let us also mention another reference in the project in question: the reduction of spending for central bodies by 40 million lek. It is clear that, given the nature of public expenditure and the weight of the central administration, such a reduction is more declarative than real. If it were feasible, the opposition should have shown which institutions, which programs, and which legal obligations would be affected. Overall, this project is not a serious financial alternative, but a propaganda exercise built on guessed figures, on unsubstantiated revenues, and on a logic that runs counter to the very principles of public management. Citizens deserve explanations, not illusions with tables and slogans.
Albion Dhrami

Inside

Page 4 The Chairman of the Albanian Foreign Affairs Committee, Mr. Ali Spahia, at the 93rd Inter-Parliamentary Conference in Madrid, 27 March - 1 April 1995 The truth is in the photomontage and not in the headline The wolves keep their heads toward the forest every time
Ali Spahia Madrid