Gramoz Ruci, the invitation to think differently and the value of a person After all, a secret analyst has managed to imagine that, to his surprise, we have advanced not in the process of change in our society, but in the natural clarification of new times in Albania. Meanwhile, if one puts oneself in Mr. Ruci’s position, one can indeed think that the only salvation for order is the preservation of an old center of thought. For this reason, he often considers any kind of critical question addressed to rigid hierarchies to be dangerous. Such a stance, of course, has nothing to do with internal democracy, but with fear of it. A political force cannot be reformed if it does not accept debate, if it does not respect the individual, and if it does not allow the voice of reason to be heard above the noise of the apparatus. So-called dissenting thought is not a disease, but a condition of freedom. In this sense, the defense of one person easily turns into the defense of oneself and of a political culture that cannot separate itself from the past. If Mr. Ruci is defending Dokle, then in fact he is also defending the way the old powers were established and maintained. But this model is in crisis, because the times demand accountability, transparency, and responsibility. In an open society, the individual has value, dignity, and cannot be used as a blind link in a mechanism. Therefore the question remains: is he defending Dokle, or is he defending himself? (Continues on page 6)

Pelumbi, Dode and Mekonbishi and Gjushi, constrained and frightened in an anti-form, express themselves and proclaim the defeat of the reformed socialists Pelumbi, Dode and Meksi[?] and Gjushi, constrained and frightened in an anti-form, express themselves and proclaim the defeat of the reformed socialists The People’s Assembly and Hope for the hopeless embryos are being discussed. Sali Berisha is also enthusing the sclerosis-stricken spirit of the nomenklatura. The great triumph of the historical leader and of the social and democratic program of the PD, which is proving in action not only to exploit illusion but also to provide education for the unexpected votes, is becoming fashionable. A part of the new nomenklatura, known in communist magazines from the mid-1980s, which was earlier called the ‘40s and ‘60s and the most gossiped-about of all, the revolutionary voice of the slaveholders older than the socialists, is especially desperate. In the latest registration of the most devalued point in its sajh[?], it was said that the vote of the Albanian electorate on 22 March was supposedly a normal measure of the diversity of the Albanian political spectrum. If that is so, where did the left-wing rebirth lose the enthusiasm of 25 June? Where are the hundreds of thousands of former PPSH votes? In fact, the conservative and anti-communist electorate has not taken their votes, but has only won the hearts of Albanians, because otherwise this qualitative and quantitative change cannot be explained. Has this brought democracy down, or on the contrary sealed its victory? That is where the crux of the debate lies. The debates of the socialist staffs and their anti-reform ideas often go down the wrong path, because they distort reality and explain the situation with panic and phobias, not with political logic. The economic program of the PD is gaining more and more support, because 600,000 farmers understood that the abstract schemes of the new collectivism no longer serve them. Likewise, small and medium-sized business sees its future in market liberalization and not in the return of dogmas. These citizens have felt the change more than anyone else. (Continues on page 6)

Until yesterday, Hajdaraga viewed experience as an extension “K” with a force, independent above the tricks of political fixers and he contemptuously destroyed that “every disease” with which he characterized the ability of the “master” and honesty. At the time, Mr. Hajdaraga rebuked him with other statements, according to which Namik Dokle, to please the party, extended the “system” more than necessary, adapting it to the red “teaching” and electoral “...”. Against this backdrop, as different voices within the PS are beginning to ask about the responsibilities for the defeat, Mr. Hajdaraga appears once again as the defender of a model that is being used up. He does not manage to convince that he is defending a person; rather, he seems to be defending an old mechanism of loyalties and silences. To take Namik Dokle’s defense without answering the questions of public opinion means not to accept any lesson from the new political reality. This behavior makes even more visible the crisis of the left, which does not find the courage to break away from yesterday’s practices. The voice of reform cannot be a rhetorical alibi. (Continues on page 6)

In the morning session Thursday’s meeting of the People’s Assembly began with a discussion of the positions of the pensioners’ organizations, who, through the draft “On the status of the disabled and veterans,” are asking deputies to change the decision taken in the session of 6 April 1995. Deputy Baxhaku pointed out to the plenary that the draft presented in the session is part of a joint request of veterans and disabled persons. According to him, some comments had been taken into account in the draft, but not all. He stressed that pensioners in the countryside and those in the city should be treated more equally. During the discussions, concern was also noted regarding the financial treatment of war invalids. In the end, the deputies decided to postpone the review until the afternoon session. (Continues on page 2)

Clarification from the newspaper “SPORTI” Regarding the public statement by sports journalist Ferdinand Xhaferraj, according to whom the article “The 100 greatest Albanians” would have contained distortions and misinterpretations, the editorial staff of the newspaper “Sporti” clarifies that the material was published in full and without any interference in the author’s thought. In the material in question, no distortion of the statements was made, no arbitrary cuts were made, and no deliberate censorship was carried out. The editorial staff emphasizes that its professional standards cannot be called into question through unfounded public accusations. The newspaper “Sporti” remains open to any further clarification, but asks that the debate be conducted on facts and not on insinuations. (Continues on page 2)

We do not know whether the honorable Mr. Dokle was more provoked by the humor of a political statement or by the concern of public opinion over the missing 400,000 dollars. But in any case, the question remains: where did this money go and why is no one giving a clear answer? Public concern is legitimate and cannot be erased with ironic tones or rhetorical evasions. When such a sum is being discussed, the public expects transparency, not humor. If Mr. Dokle feels offended, he should help clarify the issue and not shift the debate onto emotional ground. In a state governed by the rule of law, public responsibility is unavoidable. (Continues on page 2)

After “Spinura”, “ZP” also pounces on its deputies, while in the “aqifit” “coborove” a new word is discovered for “traitors”: “Zhupin” The blindness and doctrinairism of a force that has never been the private property of any person are confirmed more clearly by this latest article in “ZP”, the official organ of the socialists. At the center of the attack are those who are asking for different thinking, reform, and an honest assessment of electoral losses. The “ZP” article spares no insulting labels or political anathemas, treating internal opponents as enemies. This language shows that within the PS an atmosphere of purges and ideological exclusions is strengthening. Instead of reflecting on mistakes, a new culprit is being sought. This political culture does not produce reform, but closure and fear. (Continues on page 2)

The defense of the 15-percent property of the P is being clarified and the law that brings down Musaraj is being voted on In yesterday’s documentation notice of the session of the People’s Assembly, a series of issues were addressed concerning local self-government and property administration. A draft law was discussed that included provisions on property protection and the limits of the powers of local bodies. Deputy Ali Spahia underlined the need for the administration of public assets to be carried out with clear rules and without political interference. During the debate, the issue of the 15-percent property was also raised, which led to exchanges between deputies. In the end, it was requested that the text of the law be clarified point by point before the vote. (Continues on page 7)

Yes, ZP continues to try to justify its political defeat with attacks against every critical voice. Under Gramoz Ruci’s orders, it is showing a series of lapses in the way it labels dissent and in the way it fears reflection. The newspaper does not bring arguments, but ideological clichés. Instead of analysis, it offers insults; instead of responsibility, it offers hysteria. This way of political communication makes the entire propaganda apparatus, which once claimed to speak in the name of the left, stand out even more clearly as being in crisis. Public opinion now sees these behaviors as signs of a despair that cannot be hidden with rhetoric. (Continues on page 2)

The ostrich-like stance in the footsteps of a pseudoscientist PS propaganda insults its former members who have distanced themselves Bogdani, an unscrupulous scandal Rusevlet, a giant with one leg, who rose up in America