Blocked in the highest forums, senior officials of the socialist parties disparaged the work of Parliament, describing it as a “factory of laws” and a “notary of the government.” After failing to turn the pluralist Assembly into “an arena where the political contest is played out,” they are now distancing themselves from it with the argument that “there is no parliament in Albania.” The coincidence between their refusal to take part in the Assembly’s activities and the explosion of expanded Socialist political activity — rallies, protests, press statements and various forums intended, in their own words, to “raise the agitation of revolt on a nationwide scale” — is also absolutely suspicious. The concept of their opposition has now crystallized in the outlook of the Socialist opposition. Its line. The line of breaking away from reality, the line of boycotting democratic institutions, the line of inciting conflict and using force to come to power. In fact, this is the path that, some time ago, was followed meticulously by its “agrarian” satellites as well, insulting the sovereign decision of their members against participation in the solution. This also refers to the “social-democratic” satellites, led by socialists, who found this opportunity suitable to gather the elements of the Communist Party in one place. Apparently the syndrome of political decay causes the socialists to slip into the positions of their fathers and to move ever further away from the politics of democracy. Today’s Socialist leaders have oriented their activity toward adapting the experience of their fathers, becoming at the same time both a product and an opponent of the pluralist regime. Above all, they are seized by the fever of the great mistake of their fathers. The Socialist leaders are still intoxicated by the Bolshevik dream of seizing power by force and are reviving more and more each day the communist spirit from which the Nazi doctrine was later fashioned. Inspired by the ideology of their predecessors in the PKSH and the PPSH, the socialists are taking on the attributes of that racist and chauvinist politics, such as ethnic cleansing and genocide against Albanians in Kosovo and Çamëri. Encouraged also by their external supporters, emissaries of Greek and Serbian communism, they are following the path of denying national identities. This is evident in the positions they have taken regarding Kosovo and Çamëri, as they try to deprive Albanians of the right to be masters on their own land. Such an orientation is entirely suitable for inviting the openly declared allies of Greek and Serbian socialism into a broader alliance as well. Unification and coalition with them through the alliance is a clear expression of their chauvinist and anti-national orientation. They are vigorously seeking to prepare public opinion for the blockade of democratic power and for the regeneration of the old ideological conflict of Stalinist origin. This entire trend of left-wing forces has been synthesized in two telling examples: the decision to boycott the Assembly and the participation of the Social Democratic Party in the far-left alliance. Such activity is not merely a washing of hands of the political situation the country is going through. In essence, it is opposition to democratic solutions and reform movements. As a result, the rejection of the Assembly, which is part of the democratic institutions, shows that they have in fact definitively failed in their own political reform adventure, moreover as adherents of the doctrine of belated revolution. A.DA[?]I

Speaking mainly in Albanian, the “generals” of the Union, Hyso Kulli, the “encyclopedic” uneducated M[?]ir D[?]ashi, the “master” painter S[?]eni from Farka, and the painter who greatly likes the writer’s drink “s[?]eçe,” are making more and more of a village-style racket in the capital every day. No one need oppose people like that. On the contrary, they rightly say that “there is no culture in Albania” and “there is no literature,” and this fact places responsibility on at least three factors. First, naturally, the creators and people of culture, who should never have allowed such a situation to arise. Second, the independent creative associations, which, although “split” into thirty-five little alleys, are not managing to save Albanian culture from these catastrophes, which are sending it off into cornfields. Third, the state. The state cannot accept the creation of black marks in national culture. The culture’s charlatans cannot be dismissed with cynicism or, in some cases, treated naively. In the name of “democracy” and “cultural pluralism,” the values of our national culture cannot be allowed to be destroyed. Members of OMONIA have the duty to cultivate the culture of their own minority, to place it on the path of development and mutual understanding with Albanian national culture. Nowhere in the world is it allowed for creative elements who are members of certain ethnic groups, in the name of their “origin,” to unjustly and above all without any argument, undermine the national culture of the people among whom they live. On the contrary, the civilized truth is that every ethnic group that lives freely, equally and in mutual understanding on a given land finds and develops prosperity in the national culture of the country where it lives. This has also been understood by the educated and wise Greeks, who long ago distinguished themselves from the ugly level of the drunkards of the “association” of Himara. They even condemned their own leader because “when he calls on the Himariotes to arm themselves with sabers and Mausers,” it is the same as calling on Greeks or Albanians to dress in robes and go to war with scimitars. Such a call belongs to the primitive age of eating raw meat, not to the age of culture, art and civilization. F.7

The first high-level meeting of a Greek President with the highest authorities of the Albanian state is scheduled to take place during the month of March. On 20 March, Greek President Stefanopoulos will arrive in Tirana for an official visit to our country and on 21 March he will meet with President Sali Berisha. Greek and Albanian diplomatic sources in Tirana told the newspaper “Rilindja Demokratike” that the decision for this high-level meeting had been taken after several contacts between the two Foreign Ministries in recent days. It is understood that in addition to Berisha, Stefanopoulos will meet with the head of the Albanian opposition Fatos Nano, with the Speaker of Parliament Pjetër Arbnori and with Prime Minister Aleksandër Meksi. A diplomatic source in Tirana said that “it is thought that during President Stefanopoulos’s visit, several bilateral agreements on cultural cooperation and in the fields of transport and tourism will also be signed.” According to this source, President Stefanopoulos’s visit to Tirana was an idea of the Greek Foreign Minister Papulias, which was also supported by the new Greek Prime Minister Simitis. They want to use their president’s visit to Albania to improve and develop bilateral relations. But Stefanopoulos stated in Athens that “his visit to Albania will be such as to strengthen friendship between the two peoples.” The route of Stefanopoulos’s visit to Albania was built mainly after the referral by the Tirana government regarding the property issue of the Greek minority in the south of the country. F.7

More than 1,000 Greeks from Rhodes have arrived to greet their president Stefanopoulos’s visit to Albania. All of them set out from their hometown and came to Tirana. F.7

The concept of the Socialist opposition’s oppositionism has now crystallized in its public image. Its base. The line of breaking away from reality, the line of boycotting democratic institutions, the line of inciting conflict and using force to come to power. In fact, this is the path that, some time ago, was also followed meticulously by its “agrarian” satellites, insulting the sovereign decision of their members against participation in the solution. This also refers to the “social-democratic” satellites, led by socialists, who found this opportunity suitable to gather the elements of the Communist Party in one place. Apparently the syndrome of political decay causes the socialists to slip into the positions of their fathers and to move ever further away from the politics of democracy. Today’s Socialist line has oriented its activity toward adapting the experience of their fathers, becoming at the same time both a product and an opponent of the pluralist regime. Moreover, they are under the fever of the great mistake of their fathers.

The “Naos” teletext service reports that a group of members of the staff of the newspaper “Zëri i Popullit” will ask the head of the Socialist Party’s press, M. Xhuxh[?]i, to dismiss the paper’s editor-in-chief, Thoma Gellci, for “incompetence.” These sources report that the crisis at “ZP” has deepened to such an extent that part of the staff has threatened that it will “split away” from the newspaper and create another press organ. Regarding this situation, although no reason is made known, high sources at the pink headquarters report that “a fierce conflict has arisen between the newspaper’s managers and high-ranking Socialist officials. The latter have requested that, in the name of professionalism, the newspaper renew its image, but the working situation at “ZP” has deteriorated because of the brutal mistreatment of public opinion. Employees of “ZP”, one of the sources stated, consider their boss “the father of the crisis” of the entire staff. 5 the dismissal of the editor-in-chief of this newspaper has been formally requested. On the contrary, this issue will be discussed at a meeting of Socialist leaders. “Naos” sources clarify that the request from part of the staff has also been taken up in the Socialist Party Secretariat. F.5

Pristina, 16 February The Parliament of the Republic of Kosovo today elected Ibrahim Rugova President of the Republic with 99 votes in favor and only 6 [against?], sources from the Kosovo capital report. Elected to this post for the third time, Ibrahim Rugova secured yesterday by secret ballot a five-year mandate “for the period 1996-2001.” It is understood that a group of Socialist deputies from the Albanian Parliament had gone to Pristina to follow these developments closely. In Rugova’s first statements after his re-election, he emphasized that “Kosovo will continue on the peaceful and democratic path.” F.3

On 12 January Nano would have welcomed the prosecutors at the headquarters of the Socialist Party to help with the investigation into the events of 2 April. Four days later, leaders of the Socialist forums would state that they really had nothing to do with 2 April, but did not exclude the possibility that the event was the result of the climate they had created. F.3

Repealing Article 24/1 is dictated by the very implementation of reform in the administration The development of reform and the modern direction of the market economy create the need for a new organization of the state administration. In its draft program, the government of Bashkim Kopliku clearly expressed the will to depoliticize the public administration. From the very beginning it was emphasized that the administration cannot be the property of parties. F.3

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