President Berisha greets the social democrats On the occasion of the Second Congress of the Social Democratic Party of Albania, the President of the Republic, Sali Berisha, greeted them through a message that was read at one of the sessions of this congress. “I express my unwavering respect and my congratulations to Albania’s social democrats, among all the Albanian left-wing political forces, for their role and contribution to the development of pluralism and a moderate left with social-democratic ideals in Albania,” the message from President Berisha states. “I am convinced,” the President emphasizes, “that the true Albanian social democrats of all the country’s left-wing forces, as worthy heirs to the work of Mustafa Gjinishi, Sejfulla Malëshova, Musine Kokalari[t?] and Tuk Jakova, Peço Kაჯini, Pajo Islami and so many others who fell, were imprisoned, interned and tortured in the communist calvary for their European social-democratic ideals, will consider cooperation between the left-wing extremists of these forces to be a true betrayal of democracy and its values. With the red front, they are trying to divide and project the gruesome legacy of the PPSH and its tools into the 2000s.” The message from President Berisha addressed to the Second Congress of the PSD concludes.

Dokle dictates at the PSD congress PSD — a lever of the Socialist Party Dokle dictates at the PSD congress Approve the red front! PSD — a lever of the Socialist Party The grassroots do not recognize their own leadership The Socialist Party’s grassroots are being used by the party’s middle stratum, which consists mainly of former senior officials of the communist nomenklatura, former Sigurimi members, former cooperative chairmen, etc. To the same extent, they are also exploited by the Party leadership, which, unlike that middle stratum, also holds the political catalogue that enables it to use them more extensively and publicly. When engaging in direct dialogue with the grassroots, the socialist leader sheds his snake’s skin and circles around them until the time comes to leave for the center. From that moment on, the grassroots are forgotten and the life of the leadership begins; it determines the party’s entire life, seeking to preserve its positions within the party and, above all, to secure the victory of one clan over another. This is only the technical aspect of the way the socialist electorate is used by the leadership and the old nomenklatura of the communist administration. The manipulation begins the moment a former interior minister, responsible for the killings of April 2 in Shkodër, takes charge of the party. The rest of the leadership is either illegitimate within the leadership as a result of having taken part in committing genocide during the dictatorship, through holding posts that made them responsible for their actions, or, in other cases, consists of spies and collaborators of the Sigurimi. What brought them together to lead the party was not the grassroots but the former communist leadership that appointed them. Had they not met the above criteria—that is, being as close as possible to the upper communist stratum in terms of criminal culpability—they would not have been placed in the party leadership. It is precisely this history of the creation of the Socialist Party hierarchy that has disqualified the party’s forces and also established the barometers that show varying levels of support as one moves from one stratum to another. The differences between the Socialist Party’s grassroots and its leader have become more apparent lately than ever before. There has been no shortage of meetings among its ranks and denunciations of the party’s policies by various socialist leaders in the districts. This has emerged whenever pressure from the center on the grassroots has increased, demanding greater obedience. Thus, it is understood that leaving the Socialist Party is a permanent phenomenon, one that grows in proportion to the increase in pressure from the center on the grassroots. The two sides of the socialist leader’s political activity have not gone unnoticed by the grassroots either. One side has expressed a platform demanding the grassroots’ obedience to the center in exchange for power and the preservation of cliques within the party. The grassroots are now ready to choose programs that are closer to them rather than a party that expects to bring former cooperative chairmen in as municipal heads. The grassroots will gain nothing, or will receive much less than any official of the Party of Labour, if the Socialist Party ever takes power. All the activity of the socialist leader is supported by the deliberate activity of his security apparatus, made up of former communist officials, and aims to preserve a foothold in Albanian politics from which, if the opportunity arises, it can call him to power. Democracy in the socialist ranks is a fairy tale. Their concern has never been, and is not, democracy, but power and domination. In his greeting to the Second Congress of the Social Democratic Party, one of the leading figures of the PS, Namik Dokle, asked the social democrats’ congress to approve the red front. In his speech, he pointed out the affinity between his party and the Social Democratic Party, an affinity evident in the similarity of their programs and in the extensive cooperation these two parties have had lately. Dokle mentioned the issue and asked the congress to ensure the good cooperation between the two parties, so that there would be no question marks over the social democrats’ commitment to the Red Front. “Your congress must confirm the weakness of this idea,” Dokle said. The socialist leader raised this issue after Dokle had indirectly reminded them that, in politics, Gjinushi had entered through Ramiz Alia’s toilets. This means that ... Today it is confirmed that ... the Social Democrats should approve ... in his discussion Social Democratic Party, an affinity apparent in the similarity between their programs as well as in the extensive cooperation these two parties have had recently. Dokle mentioned the issue of the Constitution and the judicial bodies, before moving on to the latest issue for these two parties, that of the Convention on Human Rights. All this was in support of his request ... said. The socialist leader’s raising of this issue came after Dokle indirectly reminded him that Gjinushi had entered politics through Ramiz Alia’s toilets. This means that his shadow in the Red Front is not a problem for Gjinushi to solve, but simply an order coming from the socialist leader that must be carried out. MENTOR SHEHU

Interview with Ferdinand Xhaferri, political secretary of the PD Question: What is the balance of political forces in Durrës today, and what influence do they currently have among the electorate? Answer: The Democratic Party will win the decisive upcoming elections. This is not simply my opinion as chairman of the PD in Durrës and political secretary of the PDSH. I say this first and foremost in light of the developments that have taken place in Durrës—and, indeed, throughout Albania—during these four years of democratic government. In other words, the four years of economic and political developments are what give us confidence in the PD’s decisive and undisputed victory. The restructuring of the PD here in Durrës, the strengthening of its sections and clarifying for them the three main objectives—explaining what we have achieved; explaining what the opposition force seeking to take power stands for; and raising the electorate’s awareness of the alternative we represent and our options for Albania in the 2000s—all this gives us confidence. By concentrating our work on these three main points, and bearing in mind the progress made and what has been achieved, we believe the PD will win the 1996 elections by a large margin. This is not merely my opinion, but the conviction and choice of Albanians, and of the intellectual class of this nation, who see continuing along the path already begun as salvation, and turning back as a misfortune—or, indeed, a historical catastrophe. Question: In your view, what is preventing the PS from reforming and drawing closer to the ideals of European social democracy? Answer: To speak about the PS’s failure to reform, one must take many aspects into account. Objectively, that party could not be reformed. It was formed by decree to save the skin of the PP. Thus, its artificial birth is precisely what determines its fate. If we were to seek reform of the PS in the sense of presenting it as an alternative force, the reform of its leading figures would have to come first. The same people are at the head of the PS, people who have demonstrated not only their record over the past 50 years, but also the position they have taken by opposing the democratic system at every turn. Without changing the leadership, without ... (Continued on page 3) Albania in the 2000s. Thus, changing the leadership, without (Continued on page 3) The PD in Durrës has its own governing sections’ lobby, with clear objectives: more … they hope for the reform of its figures. On an issue like this, the same people, who have demonstrated not only their 50-year past democratic system at every step. Without changing the leadership, without

A pseudo-doctor named Besnik Baraj has undertaken, with the “values” of “ZF”, to pass himself off as an intellectual. “ZP” is that newspaper which, not long ago, [published] in such a manner, portraying fellow citizens as intellectuals by … And how is this foreign to the local people? “ZF” has thus emerged as an intellectual, who first … to show that … expressing oneself well among intellectuals. In fact, from the position he holds, Besnik Baraj was once a … It is something that … … today he can no longer raise his intellectual “values” by denouncing his colleagues; he cannot obtain scientific titles on the basis of denunciations made against his faculty colleagues, nor can he go abroad to receive services as he once did, since he has become known to senior PPSH officials. People like Baraj, who are accustomed to profiting by exploiting the misfortune they inflict on others, have today been left completely disappointed and wretched. A.DAJTI

Having published 4156 pamphlets against Berisha and 2035 articles in defense of Nano, “ZP” editor-in-chief Th.Gëllçi awaits his replacement The meeting of the PS leadership held a few days ago, with the aim of dismissing Thoma Gellçi as editor-in-chief of “ZP” for reasons already known, failed to achieve its objective. Nevertheless, although Gëllçi escaped a direct blow, he did not ultimately escape dismissal. These days he has been left in the role of a sham editor-in-chief, since all the work is directed by others, especially K.Islami. This was the reward from Nano and the PS leaders to Thoma Gellçi. The 4156 pamphlets published in “ZP” against Berisha, for which the blackest pens of the dictatorship and the State Security were mobilized, (following the party’s instructions)—Sofo Lazrat, Guro Zenelaj, Shaban Sinani, Hamdi Sallaku, Dokleviç, Dobroviç, and a whole bunch of other scoundrels—were not taken into consideration for Gëllçi. Nor did the 2035 articles defending Nano earn him any reward other than being replaced as editor-in-chief. In fact, Gëllçi has two problems that make him unacceptable to the PS ruling clique: “unfortunately,” before pluralism he did not sign up to collaborate with the State Security, and he has not been and is not a member of the party he works for. So Gëllçi’s thousands of articles had no value in the face of these two factors, which are very important to the current PS leaders. All it took was a letter from Bança’s son, and Gëllçi had repaid all his services, as such services can be repaid. E.PALOKA Photograph of a man beside the inscription “ZP”.

A plot against Frangaj The director of the newspaper “Koha Jonë”, Nikollë Lesi, has announced the dismissal of the Saranda correspondent, who is a member of the Socialist Party leadership in that district, as well as the Shkodra correspondent, who has been included on the Socialist Party’s list of parliamentary candidates. Likewise, all “Koha Jonë” correspondents in the districts are to be excluded from the newspaper’s staff if they join any political party. Lesi’s action is a display of hypocrisy regarding the independence of the newspaper “Koha Jonë”. Through this unjust decision, Lesi cannot in the least diminish the influence or control of the Socialist Party over his newspaper. The presence of Socialist Party leadership bodies among Lesi’s staff can be read as Lesi’s full presence within the Socialist Party or its nomenklatura. “Voices within the newspaper “Koha Jonë” say that Director Lesi’s threat of an attack is directed mainly at the newspaper’s editor-in-chief, Aleksandër Frangaj, who is a member of the PAD Assembly and at the same time owns around 40 percent of the newspaper’s shares. In this case, his decision serves two functions: first, it creates the impression that his newspaper is moving toward independence; and second, it also strikes at the editor-in-chief, who owns approximately half of the newspaper. The selection of journalists on party-political grounds has been opposed by Frangaj, who apparently also understands the part of Lesi’s initiative that is aimed against him. Nevertheless, the decision is now halfway through its implementation, meaning that it applies only to the provinces. As for Tirana newspapers, some of whose staff are involved in political parties, mainly the PS and PAD, a decision will be made on Monday. Frangaj’s punishment seems to be more of a priority than cleansing the newspaper of party affiliations. T. ÇELA

Parties face a historic responsibility The Forum of Independent Intellectuals for the Denunciation of the Crimes of the Enverist Dictatorship regards the upcoming elections in Albania as a political event of special importance, in which the parties bear a historic responsibility for the future of the country and the Albanian nation. For the electoral campaign to take place peacefully and under the most normal conditions possible, all political parties must support the anti-genocide law adopted by the People’s Assembly, which helps stabilize the country’s political life. They must cleanse their leaderships and other governing bodies of people covered by this law. The participation in the electoral campaign of people directly or indirectly implicated in crime, former State Security employees and their collaborators, as well as those who served the dictatorship with fanatical zeal and knew no means other than violence and crime, will greatly increase social and political tensions in Albania. Now, as their monstrous crimes are being uncovered and denounced day by day, they have become even more aggressive and more dangerous. They are trying to usurp the leaderships of the parties and of Albania. The support that political parties should give this appeal will help strengthen democracy and the stability of the country’s social and political life, as well as enhance Albania’s international prestige. Crimes of the Enverist Dictatorship

Interview with the renowned conductor, People’s Artist, Mustafa Krantja p. 3