Reform of the Socialist Party degenerates into a clan war
Press conference of President Berisha
To break away from Ramiz Alia, the PS must necessarily condemn the United School coup, the Shkodër massacre and other crimes. It must dissolve, be refounded and continue as a social democratic party, without Ramiz as a member and without Ramiz’s ministers.
The Socialist Party, by interrupting its electoral activity, will become a dry tree in the garden of democracy.
The Democratic Party remains a thoroughly and entirely pro-Western force. Nothing can divert the DP, the government, Parliament or Albania from its natural Western direction.
Prospects for relations with the US are very good. The US has given Albania invaluable assistance and guaranteed it strong support in consolidating democratic institutions.
The summer period we have just gone through cannot be called inactive. To say what remains, what remains is the construction of the Kruja conference: “Let us boycott the local elections, democratically.” For local officials, people have much more direct interests than they do in central officials, because certain individuals like these. It is part of it, but the fight against corruption requires institutionalization, is described as a period without activities. It was a summer with very important activities. As you know, in its first decisions the government deepened the reform and made several necessary decisions to remove state control over prices. Serious preparations are being made to privatize the banking system, which marks a very important moment in the privatization process. Parliament also ratified two of the most important Council of Europe conventions, the European Convention on Human Rights and the Convention for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment, and adopted a number of other laws and decrees. Serious preparations have been and are being made to hold local elections to European standards. The government, Parliament and political forces have been involved in this process in dialogue with one another. The political parties have held numerous meetings so that they can jointly contribute to the electoral process. The opposition, or the main opposition party—which you should be grateful to, because it kept the pages of your newspapers alive during August—embarked on a process initially described as reform, but, as you can see, it ended in the genuine clanization of this political force. These are some of the developments I wanted to highlight here before you. But I will give you the floor and remain open to your questions of any kind.
Reiz Çiçço – RTSH: Mr. President, your decree on the Permanent Electoral Commission has been regarded as a challenge to the left-wing parties. Is the President of the Republic ready to make concessions regarding the claims of the socialists and their supporters? And in the context of this question, does the President of the Republic think these forces will participate in the local elections or boycott them?
The decree was not a challenge. If it had been a challenge, I would not have left vacant places for the socialists. As for its influence on political developments, at a round table with the political parties that had taken local power, where the socialists also took part, we reached several joint conclusions. I will not remind you, because their statements about the meeting, which they called suspicious, and about the results are fresh in your memory—statements that were general and based on their first words. I organized the second round table because we had agreed that the permanent commission would be discussed at the first one. We agreed on the first replacement concerning the law on genocide; we agreed on the election date, specifically the date requested by the PS leadership. Undoubtedly, the election date that was nearest would have served the ruling party, the Democratic Party. But, taking into account the shocked state this political force is in, and out of respect for the opposition, I set the date for the local elections that they wanted. So what remained? What remained was the formation of the permanent commission. I insisted that it be done together with the political forces, even though legally it falls under the exclusive authority of the President of the Republic. Nevertheless, I wanted us to determine the composition of this commission jointly. They did not want to and boycotted it. They were free to boycott dialogue, although 19 political parties were there, four of which were in government and all the others in opposition, and they had submitted their candidates. I would have filled the commission’s seats with their names. I set the final 15 days of the electoral campaign as the deadline for submitting candidates; therefore, I did not issue the decree to challenge anyone. The decree aims to establish a permanent electoral commission in Albania, which, in my view, is an indispensable institution. It is true that it was recommended to us, and I am pleased to implement it and put it into effect, since all institutions have proved successful in countries with two- or three-hundred-year-old democracies. We, too, will have it and consolidate it.
As for the other question, it seems the opposition is taking a boycott very seriously, because it has lost much, if not all, of its electorate’s confidence. What did the recent PS district conferences demonstrate? They showed that not only the electorate but also the membership, en masse, has turned its back on this party. The reason is quite logical: the boycott of the vote count. Sir, a vote is trust. If you do not count someone’s vote, you destroy the trust they place in you. A vote is gratitude; if you do not count someone’s vote, you take away their sense of recognition. A vote is hope; if you do not count someone’s vote, you extinguish their hope. A vote is a contract; if you do not count someone’s vote, you have broken your contract with them. A vote is patriotism—it is patriotism because it contains perhaps the most advanced elements of the human ideal. The left-wing electorate did not vote only for people (although they voted for people too); they voted because, in their view, left-wing ideals are better for building and implementing democracy in Albania.
What happened at the PS district conferences? They were held with the delegates from the first phase, half of them, since the other half did not come, as is the truth. At every one of them, without exception—and I regret that you have not reported this properly in the press—in every one, they denounced the boycott of the vote count as an irresponsible act. This was a great betrayal. So, in these circumstances, this group of leaders, seeing that they have been left not only without an electorate but also without members, and that they are losing members in large numbers, and knowing that they can no longer boycott the count because legal safeguards have been put in place, seem to have decided to play the second boycott card.
Why is this the wrong course? Let us consider the argument Mr. Pellumbi expressed at the Kruja conference: “Let us boycott the local elections so that the international community will force Berisha to hold general elections.” First, Albania is a sovereign country, and the sovereignty of Albanians is founded on their free vote. I am convinced that the international community will support the free vote of Albanians rather than a boycott. Second, the political forces received a clear message from Commissioner Van den Broek concerning the local electoral process. So this, too, is a mistaken game. Third, I do not think the Bolshevik tradition of disloyalty to institutions has a future—whether because they do not come to these round tables or because they want to boycott the elections. I consider this approach to have no future also because there are now around 19 political parties that have submitted candidates for the electoral process, which is evidence of their determination to participate in the elections. In these local elections, Albanians will be able to choose among more candidates than ever before in their history.
You may say, Mr. President, that these are small parties. They will grow in this way. Then other trees will grow in the garden of democracy, even if some dry up. Is this a destination, is it an unavoidable fate? I do not know; I cannot say. But what I can say is that the PS is demonstrating a complete lack of electoral ability. And a lack of electoral ability is the most incurable, most irreversible loss for a political force. I ask you and the electorate: how can it be understood that elections should be boycotted over a law that we are open to considering and improving without any prejudice, a law under which you claim to have won a majority, at a time when you know you did not win a majority? I do not accept this logic. The law meets European standards; this was confirmed by joint statements from 23 political forces. Even so, I do not at all rule out the possibility of amending it. Sir, I am willing to consider improvements too. But if you conceive of dialogue as a diktat, you clearly show that you are primitive in your democratic and political culture. Dialogue is not a diktat; it is discussion, it is compromise. At my table they raised the issue of amending or repealing the genocide law. On the whole, the idea of amendment was supported. Naturally, if you cannot achieve the maximum, you settle for the optimal, or even the suboptimal; but if you approach things with prejudice and diktats, you remain what you are. Therefore, I should perhaps also point out that they may have decided to remain a dry tree in the garden of democracy, because Albanians will vote.
support in consolidating democratic institutions.
Local officials have much more direct bearing on people’s interests than central officials, because people are closely connected with their everyday activities, from repairing roads and canals to many other matters involving these officials. So voters will have to choose among nineteen or ten other candidates, however many there may be.
That is not normal. I regret it when a political force equates itself with another political force whose leader did not even get the votes of his own apartment building. I respect all political forces, but they are not, and cannot be, all alike.
Besnik Shaqiri (freelance journalist): Does President Berisha think that the program presented by the government to Parliament has shortcomings when compared with the objectives you presented at the Third Congress of the DP? If so, what is your official position?
Does President Berisha intend to depoliticize and strengthen the institution of resignation and dismissal as measures that can greatly help strengthen the rule of law and the fight against corruption and abuses?
As for the government program, I can say that it is not without shortcomings, but it is among the best programs that could be presented in any country. It is an excellent program in the sense that it commits itself to the main pillars of privatizing the economy. It commits itself to narrowing the budget deficit and creating ample space for foreign investment in Albania. That program responds to high rates of development. Albania is a poor country with undeniable growth rates, but those rates are increasing. I will give you some figures for this year that are very optimistic, both in terms of increased investment and GDP growth, among other things. But has the government program completely incorporated the DP program? No, it has not. But, as we know, the program is revisited and reconsidered. First, its main lines are implemented, and then, over a period of one or two years, it can be assessed in its entirety and will fully encompass the objectives of the DP program. Despite the consistently critical assessments in your newspaper and other opposition newspapers, I am pleased to see that you never manage to prevent the program of the political force in power from being carried out immediately.
As for dismissals, this is a functioning institution.
Officials of every rank have been dismissed in the past. Although this cannot be a political line, everyone will naturally be held accountable and assessed for the work they do. The commitment to fighting corruption is unwavering. Broad measures are being taken to improve legal procedures, because it would be unrealistic to think that the fight against corruption can be carried out by individuals or by dismissing just a few such individuals. That institutionalization, the adoption of a series of laws, practices and institutions which, working together, must combat this truly ugly phenomenon in society—a phenomenon that is in fact visible not only in Albanian society and from which democracy suffers. I am fully aware of this, and I have never viewed corruption in political colors, but as a dangerous illness for society and the country. The issue is entirely one of the individual’s integrity and culture.
There are people who have practised this in certain cases. This is to be encouraged, but even if they do not practise it, that does not mean one should not take action when someone becomes irresponsible in their workplace and in the duties they perform.
Namik Ajazi (Telenorba): Now that the government has been formed and is setting out its policies, it would be useful to hear your position on several key points concerning social issues.
First, you have often discussed and explained the segment of society most affected by the reform: people placed on assistance or pensioners. What do you think about how this group is treated in the new program? Second, the appointment of the new government has coincided with several serious incidents, which have also resulted in the deaths of some government officials. Do you think the government and the authorities are able to confront the first steps of organized crime, now that it is knocking at the door? Third, as regards the allies and the May 26 elections, whom will you identify internationally as the DP’s permanent allies?
The social program is and remains one of the main pillars of the DP’s electoral program and its government. Unlike left-wing political forces, we conceive of the welfare state in terms of empowering and employing the individual, while also preserving the component of assistance for those groups for whom such assistance is essential. The government has made very great efforts for those groups, but has not yet managed to achieve what needs to be achieved—that is, a level of income sufficient for Albanian pensioners to meet their everyday needs. I am aware of this, but I would also ask them to recognize that during the last 18 months very great strides have been made, compared with before, in alleviating their living difficulties. This work will certainly continue. On another social aspect, I can say that the government has taken very important measures for education, and the program’s elements will fully incorporate the improvements we have made. We will continue working to promote employment and seasonal emigration. Regarding both neighboring countries, from one of which we have received a promise, I express my willingness to maintain close ties.
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