The Socialists protect the criminal creations in the south ON PAGE 4

Roadblocks are being set up at Tirana’s intersections ON PAGE 4

. Only 3% of ministry directors have complied with the order from Socialist ministers to submit their resignations. Communist, anti-Western revanche The communist revanche launched against the state administration means leaving it without its Western component. At the same time, purging the experts and leaders of the reforms in Albania strips the Albanian administration of the institutions of capitalism and democracy, bringing the old part of the Albanian bureaucracy back onto the stage of power. If offices are filled with people who know only Russian as a foreign language, or whose intellectual capital is mainly Eastern, then the final spirit of inferiority of Albania’s technical class in relation to the Western component has also been installed. The declarations by the old political class that came to power only a few days ago about integration into Euro-Atlantic structures are being met by the communist revanche, which sets the first boundary—also the most distant one, beyond which it cannot be crossed so easily. Willingly or unwillingly, the old politics now in charge is creating an Eastern administration, which means favorable conditions for the Eastern-style political administration of Albania and an artificial direction that could be imposed on the country after five consecutive years of successful competition. The carelessness with which the state leaders of ’91 have begun [?] the purge of the administration of its Western substance reflects the revival of Albania’s old inclination in those in power: the East. In any case, the revanche, launched as an act of spite against the Democratic Party and as a political purge, will have consequences far greater than those affecting the personal lives of people who may be left without work, or the professional and political reduction of the DP’s presence in the administration. Bearing in mind that over five years more than five thousand cadres and specialists have gained professional breathing room, and that thousands more have been under the care of dozens and dozens of foreign specialists and advisers in Albania, leaving the administration after this cooling-off period with these potential assets [?] would mean failure at the very first step in continuing the reforms by the old rulers who have just come to power. Meanwhile, eliminating the Western technical factor is an insult to those figures: the 100 million dollars in assistance provided by the EU, the USA and countries such as Germany, Italy, Austria, etc. None of these countries would accept that money had been wasted on people who served for only five years; nor can anyone send more money to translate into Latin the mentality of an administration that might emerge from the PS’s offices, or the opinions of Milos, Gjinasit, Nanos, Bufit, Ismailit, etc. The first Western reactions have reached Tirana. They are discreet for the moment, so as not to underestimate the possibility of a European embargo [?]. The sacrifices made by Western taxpayers to build a European Albania cannot be swept aside at one stroke of the pen by the PS migrants [?]. At the Rome conference, Nano’s old government was warned against such a revanche, while the signals from Germany are even clearer. Italy will not accept a rejection of its commitment over the past five years, and the USA could also change the destination of its aid to Albania. The sterilization of the Albanian administration has been determined to be opposed by all democratic means, including by the DP. Since yesterday, an assistance office for those dismissed from their jobs has been operating on its premises in Tirana, and a bureaucratic arsenal has been assembled to internationalize this issue. Meanwhile, administrators, specialists and heads of various branches of the economy are coordinating to defend their positions and not fall victim to attempts to drive them out. By remaining in their positions, each of them has meanwhile demonstrated the administration’s Western orientation in Albania, shown the value of reform for the economy and the governance of the country, and shown respect for all those subsidies and proportional contributions they have made toward turning Albania into a truly European country.

The DP is defending the reform-minded administration against dismissals by the Communists in power ON PAGE 3 Press comments are journalists’ fantasies The authority of the DP Presidium remains unshaken

Press comments are journalists’ fantasies The Democratic Party spokesperson stressed yesterday that its most recent meeting had in no way undermined the authority of the PD leadership. According to the spokesperson, the party leadership remains the main forum elected by the National Council of the Democratic Party, and therefore all the news and comments in some newspapers and on radio are nothing but journalists’ baseless conjectures and fantasies. The Democratic Party spokesperson’s statement comes after press speculation about a leadership meeting at which a secret vote was held on the working group that will prepare the National Congress, to be held at the beginning of October this year.

PD spokesperson refutes some articles in yesterday’s press Asked about the recent meetings of the PD leadership and the related votes on the decisions taken, following articles containing disinformation published in the Albanian press, the PD spokesperson clarified that all votes were held by secret ballot and in accordance with democratic procedures. On the other hand, regarding every decision taken at this meeting, Mr. Berisha wants to consult with the National Council at its next meeting.

The Assembly Working Group will be discussed at the National Council meeting Neither Shehu and Meksi nor Brojka and Spahia have been excluded from the leadership, says the PD Secretary-General, because, under the statute, only the National Council has the authority to remove anyone from or admit anyone to the PD leadership. All the leadership members were elected at the last Congress and will remain so, with the exception of those who have left of their own accord recently. ON PAGE 3

Germany and the processes of Albania’s stabilization — The message of two messages

The Defense Minister’s imaginary plans Throughout the entire period of turmoil, the current Minister of Defense remained in Vlora, present together with his nephew during the massacre of the heroes of the National Intelligence Service. ON PAGE 3

ON PAGE 3

An extremely busy day for Fatos Nano. The telephone rings incessantly. President Meidani asks for advice on whether he should change his surname: remove a “j” and add an “r”. His deputy, Bashkim Fino, gets an answer to his question about whether he should play football with Arjan Telepelen. Meanwhile, Musai comes in with a list in his hand: “Here is the new RTV council.” Nano takes it, glances at it, and with two marker pens erases a couple of names and adds two others. He hands the list to Musai, who is stopped at the door by Nano’s loud voice: “Wait, Musai, I gave you the list for the Defense Council. Here, take this other one.” “But what about Frruku? Did we leave Frruku without a list?” “I’ve thought of something for him. We’ll make him director of ATSH. I’ve asked Meidani to explain the appointment decree. Hey, good thing you reminded me—call Frruku over for a moment...” A little later Frruku arrives. Nano smiles at him, but speaks to him publicly and seriously. “Why have I been left with this kind of job? I don’t want it at all.” “Wait, wait, Frrrok.” “No way, I don’t agree. I’m going back to Vlora; I have my fighters. And we’ll see about these matters.” “Wait, man, why are you in such a hurry? You’ll have cars, offices, telephones, trips abroad.” “You’ll be looking for Frrrok, but it’ll be too late.” And Frrroku leaves, slamming the door. Meanwhile, the day’s news carries announcements about the presidential decree appointing Frrroku director of ATSH. “That devil doesn’t wait,” Nano says to himself. “I only mentioned it casually, and they issue a decree immediately...” Ceka’s call interrupts him. “What are we going to do about the gangs in the South?” Another telephone rings: “Over there in Shkëndër.” “We’ve prepared the law you asked us for last night. Shall we approve it today or not?” “Uff, what a lot of work; this dreadful heat...” The telephone rings. “Hello, it’s Zabit. A general was seriously injured outside by the explosion of a bomb he was carrying in his pocket. To save him, we have to cut off one of his k... What should we do?” “Cut off both of them and give me some peace now,” the Prime Minister snaps, slamming down the phone. “Am I supposed to deal with those lunatics too now?! ...”

On Saturday, 9 August, at 11:00, a meeting of the FRPD National Council will be held at the Central Headquarters of the PDSH, with the participation of members of the National Council and FRPD chairs from the districts. Agenda: 1. Analysis of the FRPD’s new role in the conditions of the country’s new political situation. 2. Issues concerning the full restructuring of FRPD structures. 3. Other matters. The FRPD Presidium

The revanchism of the Nano–Meidani clique meets resistance. The government is in crisis