Brokaj threatens the generals with prison. Teta is getting the handcuffs ready ON PAGE 4

Incident on the border with Macedonia. The Albanian government keeps silent ON PAGE 4

The female moneylender says her creditors knew they would lose their money ON PAGE 4

The spies take revenge on the Commission for the Verification of Figures. The vote of the Kalashnikovs paved the way for politicians with vices The genocidaires pamper Mezin[in?] By a majority vote, Hajri Mezini is removed as commission chairman. The Communists in Parliament insult the victims of the dictatorship. Dozens of spies celebrate in the café of the People’s Assembly. The DP protests the crime.

Along with the power that came from the mouths of Kalashnikovs, the ideological sediments of the dictatorship era are also returning to Albania. Two days ago, a decision by the Nano government ordered the dissolution of the Academy’s leadership and the creation of a group that would rebuild it to the ideological dimensions of the dictatorship era. Among those who will do this are Luan Omari, the man behind the criminal constitutions of the Hoxha era, and Koço Bihiku, the falsifier of history and national values. Luan Omari authored the 1976 constitution, one of the pillars of the terror of the communist dictatorship and one of the most authentic testimonies to the genocide permitted in Albania. This alone should have been enough to strip an Omari of trust—not merely to keep him away from any constitution, but also from any element of the structure of Albanian intellectual life. This also marks the present regime’s great turn: no longer toward integration into the free world, but toward disintegration into the ideological world, a departure from freedom as much as from justice, truth, and so on. On this same day, the Minister of Culture, Arta Dade, assembled her cultural board from people whom Albanians remember as this century’s most diligent censors: the boors who burned Fishta, insulted Kuteli, created cooperative folklore and the myth of the Albanian “half-and-half” [unclear in source]. Thus, the institution of thought fell into the hands of those who had so badly and criminally distorted it for fifty years in a row. The world of letters once again feels insulted by the violence spawned by the board’s stereotypical, socialist-realist mindset. Meanwhile, the Albanian government continues to build a wall around itself to withstand the pens and free minds, which society needs more than money anyway. By directing reconstruction where you should at least not even think of doing so, the Albanian government is building a great barrier against free thought, bringing back onto the Albanian scene a [e] rënë of communism [unclear in source]. This stance follows the unlawful intervention in the leadership of Albanian Radio and Television, the Albanian Telegraphic Agency, and other institutions; a part of the apparatus, where the power’s barrel cannot act otherwise in two-thirds of it, or where an old mentality prevails—that of 1945, when people, ministers, plebeians, and generals were made equal. The conception of Albanian life as a natural continuation of the life Albanians led until 1990, rolling back the free revolution of the past five years, is the overturning of all history down to its very core—a course pursued by the Nano 3 government. In this case, a certain Albanian historical [text unclear] also served the so-called Institute for the Integration of the Persecuted. The sudden entry—even into the prisons of Burrel and Spaç—through those revolts, whose participants were more often prisoners condemned to death than prisoners of conscience, constitutes the gravest threat this government poses to values that this people could see destroyed in just a few years. The great falsification began with President Meidani’s C.V. and will continue gradually, one after another. A new minister, Armand Alia, has tried to write into his biography that he was also a great supporter of the students of 1990. The communist tentacles reaching toward Albanian thought and history have begun their poisoning. Although they will face many difficulties, they are trying to do it.

The Interior Minister’s men terrorize the city of Elbasan. The PDSH spokesperson protests the government’s links with the gangs On 14 and 15 August 1997, the city of Elbasan experienced a massacre and a

Zone 4 once again before the Constitutional Court. Çukaj’s companions insult and threaten people on the Court premises The Court must not hesitate in the face of the facts in order to give effect to the political expression of the voters of Zone 4 People of genocide Zone 4 once again before the Constitutional Court. Çukaj’s companions insult and threaten people on the Court premises The facts declare Spahia the winner The Court must not hesitate in the face of the facts in order to give effect to the political expression of the voters of Zone 4 Here is the factual material proving that Ali Spahia won in Zone 4: The presentation by Dr. Pëllumb Çela, DP representative on the CEC, at yesterday’s hearing in the Constitutional Court Polling station 53 — Ali Spahia 152 Polling station 16 — Ali Çukaj 4 Polling station 54 — Ali Spahia 37 Lekë Çukaj 45 Ali Spahia 58 Lekë Çukaj 3 ON PAGE 2

On August 14 and 15, 1997, the city of Elbasan experienced a massacre and extraordinary terror. Tan Kateshi’s gang, after kidnapping Endri Kuçi on August 13, the nephew of a merchant family, and releasing him after torturing him and demanding a large sum of money, attacked the family on the afternoon of August 14, 1997, with a formation of 34 people equipped with 10 vehicles, of which 4 were Mercedes-Benzes, 3 Audis and 3 vans. ON PAGE 3

Following an extended meeting, Elbasan’s Social Democrats declared the dissolution of their party branch. Elbasan’s Social Democrats are the first to openly oppose PSD leader Gjinushi. Another hemorrhage has begun within the ranks of the Social Democrats, who refuse to be led by a left-wing extremist. The first hemorrhage in the Social Democrats’ ranks erupted with the departure of the Laço and Starova group, who founded the Social Democratic Union Party. Elbasan’s Social Democrats are considered the strongest branch of the party in question in the entire country. There have been major disagreements between the grassroots and the Social Democratic leadership, and it is thought that, after Elbasan, a number of other branches will follow the action of their counterparts. Gjinushi seems to be leading his party toward its final dissolution.

DP statement: Albanian thought confronted with a grim face Not because Luan Omari is the nephew of the dictator Enver Hoxha, but because Luan Omari is a former drafter of the most anti-democratic laws Albania has had throughout its history. DP statement: Albanian thought confronted with a grim face Luan Omari, a criminal against freedom of thought Not because Luan Omari is the nephew of the dictator Enver Hoxha, but because Luan Omari is a former drafter of the most anti-democratic laws Albania has had throughout its history. ON PAGE 3

There are 1,000,000 weapons in Albania, not 4,000 Neritan Ceka declares every day that his entire concern—and that of the Ministry of the Interior, in fact—is that the entire socialist government in power has 4,000 Kalashnikovs, documented across all the country’s police stations. They have not been stolen or seized. Their locations and the people who possess them are known. Above all, there is no difficulty in collecting them. But Ceka deliberately plays the fool when he forgets that there are more than 1 million weapons in the hands of citizens. They were seized from depots by some of the people inspired by Ceka to overthrow the constitutional order, destroy the state and bring the Socialist Party to power, while the rest were taken for self-defense. If Ceka thinks that the 4,000 weapons are the measure of the success or failure of a socialist government in power in collecting weapons, I think he is mistaken, because those same weapons that were stolen remain in people’s hands.

Statement by the Anti-Communist Association of the Politically Persecuted The creation of the Institute is an unjust act and causes legitimate dissatisfaction, as a unilateral, premeditated action and as a reward for people who follow a predetermined course. Statement by the Anti-Communist Association of the Politically Persecuted Nano insults the victims of the dictatorship The creation of the Institute is an unjust act and causes legitimate dissatisfaction, as a unilateral, premeditated action and as a reward for people who follow a predetermined course. The Democratic Anti-Communist Association of the Politically Persecuted has repeatedly stated for a long time that Kurti Kola is not a genuine representative of the former politically persecuted and has no right to speak or act in their name. It has also been pointed out that, if the Government seriously and objectively seeks to resolve our problems without prejudice, it must take our Association and our ideas into account. This was made clear at a meeting between a representative of the Association and the President, Mr. Rexhep Meidani. The meeting took place in a spirit of understanding, but apparently without effect. The Prime Minister, Mr. Fatos Nano, despite having been asked to hear our ideas—a request also supported by President Mr. Rexhep Meidani—ignored us and, in a lavish ceremony, signed the agreement with Kurt Kole for the creation of the Institute for the Integration of the Persecuted. This act is unjust