The burning of the municipal building and the arsonists Coming soon in “RD” you will read: - Who was paid for the “Otranto” betrayal! - All the names of the hunger-strike students and their mission. - Where Gramoz Ruçi had his war headquarters On page 5 you will find details about what is expected from the black file on Tepelena, to be published soon in “RD” SPECIAL FEATURE ON PAGE 5

On Tuesday, 26 May, all of Albania on strike Tirana: Go, Nano! ON PAGE 2

By Bardhyl LONDO A new ghost has been roaming lately beneath Albania’s troubled sky: the ghost of Ramiz Alia. Transformed into an intense public presence, it has appeared once again to confuse Albanians with ease, although even without this ghost they are far too complicated to unravel. But will this ghost simply disappear, or did someone summon it? What is the aim of the reappearance on the Albanian stage of this discredited politician? (As if this cunning old man were not enough for us, another ghost will… Having had their fill of the manipulations and responsibilities foisted upon Albanian history over the past 50 years, Ramiz Alia and his disciples now want to claim credit, too, for organizing the nationwide Albanian movement that marked the establishment of pluralism. But what are Ramiz Alia’s so-called “merits”? Thanks to Alia’s “tolerance,” Albania was the last country to legalize pluralism. Yet thanks to this cunning political figure, it kicked away the great opportunity Europe offered through its visits to Albania to become the first country to open the way to democratic processes. having turned into an intense public life, she appeared again in events, along with the Albanian tempest, which is already far too complicated to untangle even without this ghost. But did this ghost appear by chance, the failed politician’s reappearance on the Albanian scene? (As if this cunning old man were not enough, another ghost appeared on the scene at the same time, the atrophied ghost of Abaz Ermenji... Could this be a coincidence?) It would be naïve to think that the simultaneous reappearance of Alia and Ermenji is entirely coincidental. What, then, does the reappearance of Alia’s ghost signify? Is it a desperate attempt by a once-public figure to revive lost publicity or to inscribe himself in Albanian history? It seems that the reappearance of the last communist leader, beyond the aims mentioned above, has deeper purposes: manipulating history and claiming ownership of the democratic processes of the early 1990s. After seizing power in an entirely dubious manner, the former Albanian communists now want to appropriate the history of the establishment of pluralism in Albania as well. Ramiz Alia’s pupils and creations, who today lead the highest offices of Albanian politics (the presidency, the prime minister’s office and parliament), have a compromised past; at the time when Albanians were fighting for pluralism, they lined up in the opposing camp. By naming Ramiz Alia the “father” of pluralism, they—or, more precisely, so they think—will free themselves from the negative burden of the past. At the same time, they think that by doing this they will divert the attention of the Albanian democrats and Sali Berisha from the great marginalization involved in the establishment of pluralism. After cities and people were bloodied, now the more recent history is being prepared for bloodshed too. And this is not the first time it has happened. Albanian history has been gangrened by communist manipulation. The falsification of history has always been one of their principal aims. These crusades are so atrocious that they tried to turn the history of the Albanian people into a history of infamous Albanian communism. The pan- “tolerance,” Albania was the last country to permit pluralism. And thanks to this cunning political figure, it missed the great opportunity Europe offered through visits to Strasbourg democratic processes. With his duplicity and lack of compassion, Alia was also responsible for the execution of the poor poet in Kukës in 1988, for dragging through the cities those who crossed the border in 1990, for the bloodshed in Shkodër on April 2, etc., etc. To exonerate Alia from all this would mean making the people guilty. But is there an Albanian who can bear such a sin on his shoulders? Pluralism did not come as a gift from Ramiz Alia. On the contrary, had someone else been at the head of the Albanian state, it might have come sooner and with less pain. Others forced Ramiz Alia to sign for pluralism against his will. He did everything in his power: he delayed pluralism and made it bloody. And as if all this were not enough, now his greed, that of the Albanian communists and that of their successors, reappears, seeking once again to manipulate history and claim ownership of the democratic processes. The ghost of Ramiz Alia has appeared again. In a pluralist setting, even one such as Albanian society, it would be normal for any former head of state—whether communist, Ballist, Legalist or another dictator—to express their views, reflect and publish their memoirs. But when this reappearance is aimed at manipulating history once again, it is deeply troubling. The ghost of Ramiz Alia has appeared again. It appeared in its own name, but at the same time it was summoned by others too. In its own name, to justify itself; in the name of others, to help them move beyond the burdens of the past. Alia’s ghost is washing its hands like Pontius Pilate. And the blood is being left on Albanian history, making it unreadable; it is being manipulated once again. Albania is being robbed of its recent past so that the theft of its present and future will be easier.

The black file alarms government officials The publication of shocking facts from the black file on the rebellion has caused great alarm among Albanian government officials and has increased the threats against the opposition newspaper “Rilindja Demokratike.” In recent days, threatening phone calls have increased, as have the movements of plainclothes observers around the newsroom. There have been several calls threatening the journalists of “Rilindja Demokratike” not with an ordinary death, but with a death like the macabre crimes of the rebellion. We tell Fatos Klosi to remove at least the three daily watchers who spend hours around the newsroom, since they are well known. One watcher with a moustache, relatively tall, and two others about 1.70 tall, wearing sports shirts and jeans, have been wandering by car or on foot in front of our newsroom for at least six days. According to a reliable source from SHIK, a plan has been drawn up aimed at attacking several “RD” journalists. We remind the government officials who came to power by force that we are determined to pursue the truth to the end, and that in every case the responsibility will fall many times over on them.

“Union for Democracy” satisfied with the fulfillment of its demands regarding the Election Commission The opposition will field joint candidates in the local elections. Pollo: We are consulting with our allies ON PAGE 3

Exclusive interview with Turkey’s Deputy Minister of Defense, Major General Këksal Karabaj ON PAGE 3

The President remains on his throne over the blood of the slain guardsmen The Cërrik massacre accuses the President of the Republic. His bodyguards and the electoral staff that brought the President to power were also involved in criminal acts and in the most atrocious murders. These very people took the lives of six police officers and wounded 17 others. The President of Cërrik remains in office, giving no thought to the crime that follows him. A year has passed since that day, and the wound is still open. No criminal proceedings have begun against the President’s men or Meidani himself. The murderers even dare to send brazen denials to newspaper offices. The prosecution continues to keep pace with the murderers. While the crime has now been publicly exposed by the Albanian press, the great sinner Rexhep Meidani does not dare say a word. The President, who came to office over the bodies of six slain police officers, has no reason to remain there. ON PAGE 3

He had come to report the lack of law and order at Teta ON PAGE 3

50 thousand residents of the capital fill Skënderbej Square at the massive protest rally. Powerful cheers for the Democratic Party and Berisha