The supervisor has declared that he will resign ON PAGE 5

Fushë-Krujë, indefinite strike by 1,000 employees ON PAGE 5

The Finance Minister opposes pay increases ON PAGE 5

The former Interior Minister sees early parliamentary elections as the only way out of the crisis ON PAGE 3 “The leaders of the parties in the governing coalition are charlatans, incompetent, corrupt, and incapable of governing Albania”

By Astrit PATOZI Fatos Nano resigned from the post of Socialist leader, spitting on everything he left behind in the party he had led throughout recent years. With extraordinary aggression and a triumphant style, he smeared the entire hall of the Socialist Party’s Steering Committee, speaking far more harshly than three years ago, at the time of the motion, when from Bënça Prison he had called his party a fortress. Nano’s accusations, which began with Pilate’s bloodied hands and ended with the mafia clans that have taken over the party, are an open challenge that his former associates, who are now trying to... swamp, must overcome. Nano’s accusations, which begin with Pilate’s bloodied hands and end are an open challenge that his former associates, who now claim they will take control of the Socialist Party, must overcome. The grave-like silence that greeted his final words as party leader, as well as the feeble reactions of Socialist leaders after he walked out of the meeting, show that Fatos Nano’s poisoned arrows had struck home. As people who know better than anyone the illegal and mafia-like mechanisms used by the clans of the Socialist Party and its satellites in the Alliance for the State, Nano, as he fell from the leadership of the Socialist front, threw down the gauntlet for a new duel. Until yesterday the most powerful man in the Socialist Party, Fatos Nano made it clear that he was leaving the Albanian political chessboard only temporarily, warning that he would return after knocking all his opponents within the party to the canvas. But while it is truly outrageous that in his political testament Nano acknowledged no responsibility or mistake of his own in these eight years, he has also placed the future of several leading figures in the SP, as well as the future of the party itself, in serious doubt. His former associates will never be able to wash away his stains: the crimes, corruption, theft and deception of the past and present, by pinning on Nano, who has left, all the great harm that left-wing rule has brought to Albania over these five years. If Fatos Nano bears great responsibility for the failure of two governments, but above all for the failure of the Albanian left’s alternative to build the state in Albania that they themselves destroyed, then the SP leaders who today applaud their leader’s sudden departure are just as responsible. They are the ones who turned Fatos Nano into their legend and symbol, voting for him three times by overwhelming margins, with more votes than in the 29 June elections, so that he would lead their government and party from victory to victory. Indeed, they are the same people who gave him another mandate after the resignation of the institutions on 14 September, when the prime minister took the lead of the government officials who fled, leaving Albania altogether. They are the ones Fatos Nano lined up and assigned to attack the opposition, to head important ministries or directorates, and to set up, sell and clear through customs—or turn a blind eye as—boats carrying clandestine migrants, drugs and prostitution set off. For Albanians, it matters little that Nano’s former subordinates are ungrateful to their fallen-from-the-saddle chief. This is an accomplice of primitive politics which, in the former communist mould of Albania, finds its perfect example. But what matters greatly to Albanians is what the Socialist Party leaders did, all together, against their government and state while they were led by Fatos Nano. Before revving up their engines to hurl insults at the man who until yesterday was their Messiah, Fatos Nano’s powerful opponents in the Socialist Party must explain what mechanism kept them tied to the former leader’s people. Before portraying him as the sole sinner, the Socialists who rose to power in his shadow must first explain why the Socialist Party had found in Fatos Nano the embodiment of its aspirations and strength throughout all these years. The burden of the leader on the Socialist Party is made heavier by the fact that Nano left of his own accord, not because those who are now rubbing their hands with joy at his unexpected departure and resignation had forced him out. With Nano gone, no one should think they are free of the burden of the promise to return the pyramid-scheme money, of opening 250,000 new jobs, or of the great unresolved wound of Azem Hajdari’s murder. The Socialist Party of Majko, Meta, Islami, Legisi, Koci, Dade, Dokle, and anyone else cannot make the river of public discontent over their misrule and failure to govern disappear by laying all the blame at Fatos Nano’s door—even if the latter retreats permanently to his cave and does not fight to return to politics, as he has promised. If Fatos Nano’s departure has had a liberating effect on Albanian politics in general, for the Socialist Party it has merely opened a new front of unresolved problems that will prolong the savage battle between its clans.

To see what the Socialist Party is, read its leader’s resignation statement

In the nest of human traffickers in Albania The smugglers of Vlora grow rich off the refugees’ backs: “here, Kosovars mean work” ON PAGE 4

The man who refused to carry out SHIK’s orders to burn down Shkodra is removed from office. The government coalition’s arrangement falls apart The appointment of a Socialist and the removal from office of a

The Deputy Speaker of the People’s Assembly comments on the major rift within the PS ON PAGE 2

The appointment of a Socialist and the removal from office of an ally show that the coalition arrangement is falling apart and that the circle is gradually closing in on Çeka’s party, until it is eliminated from the government ON PAGE 3

Mith’hat Havari — the new director of the Tirana prefecture police ON PAGE 4

Berat: Rapid Intervention Forces boycott training ON PAGE 4

The flow of clandestine migrants to Italy increases after Majko’s visit to Rome ON PAGE 2

Today, 132 days since the murder of the December Leader Every day that passes since the murder of Azem Hajdari, the symbol of democracy and pluralism, proves the involvement of Fatos Nano’s government and its successors in the crime that shook the entire Albanian world. The governments of the former communists, which leave free and undisturbed the criminals who took the life of the December Leader, show Albanians that they have been and remain on the side of the murderers, who have names and identities but are untouchable by those in power. Democrats and all Albanians who loved and honored Azem Hajdari can in no way tolerate this fact. The government must either capture the criminals and bring them to justice, or publicly declare that it itself committed the murder of Azem Hajdari.

Late Last Night in Parliament “The wine should turn into vinegar,” it is decided by law following Minister Xhuveli’s proposal Parliament yesterday approved the governing council of Albanian Radio and Television. This followed debates over postponing the vote and waiting for the opposition’s proposals for the seats it is entitled to under the law to be submitted. Of the 26 candidates, 13 were elected; among them were PS activists scattered across NGOs, associations and trade unions. Of the trade unions, only the representative of the confederation close to the government was elected. The chairman of the Human Rights Union Party, Vasil Melo, objected to the proposals coming from the PS headquarters and left the plenary session in protest. The election victory of Gjinushi’s associate, Natasha Xhako, and of the minority representative Argjile Garo stood out; his academic qualification was having been a refugee in Greece. The Governing Council was made up mostly of Russian speakers from the Vladimir Iliç Lenin Party School. On the proposal of Gjinushi and the journalists’ associations and representatives, the first secretary of Vehbi Velu, Mira Meksi, was elected to the governing council for her recognized merits in the field of journalism. The communist fanatics Guro Zeneli, Alfred Dalipi and Jona Bulo had an easy time winning the race for the governing council. After this, at the proposal of the Minister of Agriculture, Lufter Xhuveli, Parliament decided by a majority vote that “the wine should turn into vinegar.”

Breaking News President Meidani announced Nano’s resignation from the Socialist Party last night. When his closest advisers saw the decree ready, they hinted, rather tactfully, that Nano was not the prime minister and could not be removed by decree. It took the president a long time to understand that his decree was not needed for Nano’s resignation. Only after Daul Gumeni intervened to explain did the president become convinced that he had nothing whatsoever to do with Nano or the PS, or with the government or Albania. The mix-up over Nano’s speech ... When the page editor handed him Nano’s speech to be laid out, the journalist could hardly believe his eyes. “Could this be from some congress or some game?” he thought, and, speech in hand, went to the boss. “There’s been a mistake, and if we hadn’t been paying attention, we could’ve been in trouble?” “What?” the boss asked, astonished. “Someone has brought in an article by Berisha against the PS and put Fatos Nano’s name under it. I’ll read it to you myself.” “Leave it, I know. That’s Nano’s speech at the Party leadership meeting; I was there ...” “Well, then, is that how Nano spoke against our mother party?” “Exactly like that—not a comma out of place.” Only our late chairman could have written that, because only he knows Berisha and our party well. “Forgive me, boss, but it doesn’t seem right to publish it. When people read it, ordinary socialists will think they’ve picked up ‘RD’ by mistake.” “It’s all right, we’re an open party. The party goes against the chairman, and the latter against the party ... that’s the only way things are written in Europe.” P. ÇAKULI