Kosovo in the first days without Serbs. The story of the transfer of power and the changing of symbols. What is happening now in Prishtina, Prizren, Ferizaj, Lipjan, etc. The three “governments” of Prishtina. The farmers, the real anti-miners. Azem Vllasi’s “flag” over the mosque in Prizren. The distinguishing mark of houses that collaborated with the Serbs. Former head of the BKS, ovës Angjelkoviç, is humiliated in the middle of Prishtina. The three “governments” of Prishtina. The farmers, the real anti-miners. Azem Vllasi’s “flag” over the mosque in Prizren. The distinguishing mark of houses that collaborated with the Serbs. Former head of the BKS, ovës Angjelkoviç, is humiliated in the middle of Prishtina By Sani NEZA, Prishtina, 4 July ON PAGE 6

Nano: “Majko and Meta are small fry” ON PAGE 2

Commenting on Prime Minister Majko’s statement about local elections in a year’s time, PD Deputy Chairman Genc Pollo said it would be better, on such important matters, to avoid sensational statements by those in power and to abide by the laws and deadlines they set. “The term of the elections of 20 October 1990 is four years, and this must be respected. During the PD majority, election dates were set at round-table meetings of the parliamentary parties, where decisions were made by consensus,” he told the press. “Election matters and political elections are issues that must be dealt with through dialogue and clarity, without wasting time or adding preliminary conflicts. Making a political show of important matters is harmful to everyone. Majko does not know what will happen in September of this year, let alone what will happen in May next year.” Pollo called Majko’s calls for decentralization of local government not very sincere. “All the laws and decisions of the Socialist government since 1997 have led to the concentration of powers and governance in Tirana. This also includes the latest decision of the Council of Ministers, signed by Majko, which leaves powers over the return of property in the hands of municipal secretaries appointed by this government. The European Charter of Local Self-Government is being used demagogically, because governance has been conducted contrary to its recommendations and spirit.” Pollo dismissed insinuations in a weekly publication about a clan struggle within the Democratic Party. “It is normal, even necessary, to debate and discuss important issues. This should not lead to ‘discovering enemies’, as some newsrooms are amplifying it. But clans that simply fight for power, not for ideas and programs, are unsuccessful attempts to import a product from the PS. There are no owls or sparrows in the PD.” The PD Deputy Chairman added that, even when delicate and problematic decisions had been discussed, such as the “final split” from parliament or returning to it, he had stressed the need for a united PD and for the Parliamentary Group to act collectively. The division of the PD is sponsored first and foremost by its political opponents, who are still in power.

Lezhë police abuse well-known Democratic activist ON PAGE 3 The consequences of the severe police violence were clearly visible: the badly injured left eye, the bruised shoulder injured by baton blows, a broken rib, as well as other injuries to the body and the left leg, where visible wounds had also been inflicted.

By Edi PALOKA Someone is trying to lead Albanian politics down a blind alley. Whether deliberately or “by chance,” the subject of political debate today has become the PS congress and the result that will emerge from it. Majko or Nano? Of course, the choice of the leader of the country’s second-largest party is an event of political importance, but not in the way those promoting this debate are trying to make it. Majko and Nano practically represent the two alternatives currently before the PS. In this respect, one might say so. But the way the issue is being treated and promoted by the left tries to present it as a choice not for the PS, but for Albanians. This propaganda seeks to present one of the PS’s “alternatives,” Majko or Nano, as the sole alternative for Albanians. In a way, that may seem normal, since the PS is clearly in power, and the choice of its leader will therefore also be a choice about governance—a choice that directly affects the lives of all Albanians, not only those of the PS. It may seem absurd, but precisely this argument is also the counterargument to those trying to present things in this way. The reason is that Albanians have by now experienced what the “alternatives” offered by the PS are like. Nano, a former official at the Marxist-Leninist Institute, a protégé of Nexhmije Hoxha, chosen by Ramiz Alia to lead the PPSh and transformed into the PS, twice prime minister before ’97, “justified” in ’91 as the leader of the Shkodër massacre, convicted of stealing Italian aid during the period when he was prime minister, became a man who fled in the prime minister’s helicopter after the communist rebellion of ’97. It was a period in which everything was clear in this case, but he was a person acting on orders, as briefly stated. His two previous periods in government had taught Nano nothing, but it seems simple for him to know no other way of governing. During his last government, Nano managed to declare the government he led “the most corrupt government on the continent.” Within a year, organized crime, which had long been trying to spread throughout Albania, managed to establish strong bases. In practice, it was Nano’s officials who laid those foundations by organizing Albanian networks trafficking illegal drugs and carrying out murders and other crimes. Within a year, Nano managed to drive away almost all foreign investors and turn Albania into a camp of mourning. But Nano reached his peak with his anti-national policy and political crimes. The country has since been governed by a kind of policy on Kosovo, as well as by the imprisonment of six former PD officials; he is also implicated in the murder of Azem Hajdari. In particular, Azem’s murder would trigger the popular revolt that would last quite some time (“with the blessing” of the president) and lead to Nano’s removal from the post of prime minister. Opposite Nano stands Pandeli Majko, the current prime minister. Majko does not have a past as dark as Nano’s, but in fact he climbed the ladder of his career only thanks to the latter. Although he seeks to portray himself as clean and uninvolved in the failed political struggle, Majko cannot be anything other than a PS man, someone who represents a policy discredited by Nano while in prison. He was also made prime minister because Nano wanted it. Only later, when he took a liking to the office, did Majko begin demanding more from Nano. That is where the war between them began, and it continues to this day. Majko does not, in fact, have all Nano’s negative traits, which could be listed one by one with regard to his political stance on those arriving from Kosovo and on NATO. But that is all, because as prime minister, as someone who should lead a country, Majko is a zero. The only “good” thing Majko has over Nano in this respect is that he did not ask for “more”; but even that had been brought to him by Nano. If Nano was a negative dictator, his successor Majko is practically nothing at all. Under Nano, Albania had a bad prime minister, worse than bad, whereas under Majko it has no prime minister. The facts are few. Majko has changed none of the negative aspects of Nano’s governance. Poverty continues at a gallop. Organized crime is consolidating and the mafia is becoming entrenched in Albania. The two investors who remained have left. Business, which began declining under Nano, is now heading for collapse. There is no question of aid from the world. And there is more. Majko really is prime minister, but he cannot control anything—not his ministers nor the other powers he is supposed to command. In practice, Majko has shown himself to be openly repentant, but on the other hand his officials have stopped obstructing. It is enough to mention the issues that arose over Rambouillet and the Thaqi government, actions carried out by Meradini, Milo and others, which they issued in complete opposition to the West’s positions. There are even more flagrant cases, such as Fron Çupi’s article against NATO and in defense of Serbia’s “sovereignty.” Çupi is only of the AISH, and yet Majko does not even understand what is going on. The fact is that Majko controls nothing. In the end, it remains to be seen what fate has in store. These, then, are the “alternatives” the PS offers Albanians for governing. Two “alternatives” and no solution.

The PD Secretary General explains what will happen on Thursday at the Special Assembly “No one can deprive the national assembly of its powers, including the power to hold a confidence vote on the National Council” ON PAGE 2

Tense situation in the city of Sarandë. Smugglers seize the police station The incident took place at 13:30 in a café near the former holiday home. Officers from the rapid-response unit clashed with the police station chief’s bodyguards; the officers Robert Çulli, Artur Meta and Julian Kuçi were injured. The police station was damaged in the armed clash, and one of the chief’s close escorts was seized and mistreated. ON PAGE 4

Construction police discriminate against owners of illegal structures in Tirana Construction police continue clearing kiosks from Tirana, while the map of this clearance operation remains highly dubious. Yesterday, many kiosks near the center of Tirana were removed. The operation then changed direction. ON PAGE 3

Today marks 294 days since the murder of the December Leader Every day that passes since the murder of Azem Hajdari, the symbol of democracy and pluralism, proves the involvement of Fatos Nano’s government and its interference in the investigation of this case, which is being conducted solely on behalf of the successors of a crime that devastated the entire Albanian country. The former communists and their successors—the criminals who took the December Leader’s life—show Albanians that they have been and remain on the side of the killers. These people have names, but those in power do not touch them. Democrats and all Albanians who loved and honored Azem Hajdari can never tolerate this. The government must either capture the criminals and bring them to justice, or publicly declare that it itself carried out Azem Hajdari’s murder.

On Thursday, 8 July 1999, at 10:00, the Special National Assembly of the Democratic Party will hold its proceedings at the Opera and Ballet Theatre in Tirana.