Miners and metallurgists across the country abandon work ON PAGE 5

12.5 billion lekë were misused ON PAGE 5

Majko blocks funds for cleaning up Tirana ON PAGE 5

By Astrit PATOZI Albanian Socialists have become embroiled in a savage battle among themselves which, rather than distinguishing the guilty from the angels, is demonstrating the decay of their power—a decay that began with the gangs of March 1997—and proving the need for a swift political solution, the only prophylaxis against the quagmire into which the left-wing coalition’s government has plunged the country. The rival factions of the Socialist Party are showing one another their knives and swords, while those being wounded by their blows are not the mighty or the rulers who have resigned, but the majority of Albanian citizens. On one side is Fatos Nano, backed by contingents of fanatical Albanian Socialists as well as the most mafia-like structures in Albanian society; on the other is Pandeli Majko, who is supported mainly by the state administration and the Eurosocialists. They have thrown themselves into a bitter battle for the leadership of the Socialist Party at a time when the country is more than ever at the mercy of crime and gangs. As the SP parliamentary group continued the insistence it had begun the previous day at the presidium meeting, the United Nations, speaking from Geneva, expressed deep concern over the reactivation of gangs that have become a very serious threat to the return of expelled Kosovars to their homes in Kosovo. It is truly terrifying to think that those who survived the barbaric attacks of Milosheviç’s army and endured the cold, hunger, and other hardships of the war in Kosovo might fall prey to “bandit brothers” from Albania, now that peace was declared long ago. This grave and painful observation by the United Nations is, in fact, only a drop in the ocean of crime, insecurity, smuggling, and corruption in which Albania has been swimming for two years. That is why placing the internal conflict among Albanian Socialists against this dark backdrop greatly diminishes the importance of which of the Socialists’ two major factions has right on its side or a better outlook for the Socialist Party itself—and, why not, for the country’s future as well. Against this gray curtain that has covered all the shoots of Albania’s government, it is extremely difficult to distinguish the differences separating Fatos Nano and Pandeli Majko from their own people, although it would be immoral to treat them as equal. It is perfectly clear that grouped around Fatos Nano, as if by design, are all the chiefs of smuggling and corruption in recent years, together with the most ruthless ranks of Socialist Party fanatics. By day, they go to rallies held by their former leader; by night, they put on masks and go hunting along national roads or extort money from merchants. It is no coincidence that the smuggling superpower, Bashkim Fino, and the former prime ministerial minister, Arben Malaj, are with Fatos Nano, and behind them are those whom Ilir Meta describes as wanted by the police. But if the Socialist Party presidium, most of whose members support Pandeli Majko and Ilir Meta, loudly points Nano to the sections of the statute that forbid personal campaigns, and quietly tells him that his entourage shelters all of Albania’s criminals, then Fatos Nano is not the only one responsible here. If they want to create the impression that they have changed something about their parties and to act as though they have the will to do so, then Albania’s… Nano’s opponents must… ... easily, in one thing? ... put on masks and go hunting on national roads or impose fines on traders. It is no coincidence that alongside Fatos Nano is the much-talked-about smuggler Bashkim Fino, who was prime minister, Arben Malaj, who ... [unclear], and those Ilir Meta calls people wanted by the police. But if the leadership of the Socialist Party, most of which supports Pandeli Majko and Ilir Meta, loudly points out the sections of the statute to Nano that prohibit personal campaigning, and quietly tells him that all of Albania’s criminals gather around him, responsibility here does not rest with Fatos Nano alone. If they want to create the impression that they intend to change something in their parties and in their role in Albania’s future, Nano’s opponents must clearly and unequivocally distance themselves from the gangs and crime that are suffocating the country; they must not condemn it only when it gathers publicly at Fatos Nano’s rallies. They were criminals even before Nano began his campaign, and even when the latter was prime minister. If Pandeli Majko is serious about what he says, he should not wait for the bandits to be selectively identified among their ranks before deciding how to deal with them. First and foremost, by seeking to block Nano with several articles of the statute—which may or may not exist in the PS “constitution”—the Socialist leadership supporting Majko-Meta is demonstrating that Nano’s clan remains strong and is no easy nut to crack. Although Majko and the others are telling Nano that they have all the “soldiers” of the administration on their side, whom they will use extensively in the battle that has begun, they have also not hidden their fear of the former chairman’s rallies. All this is due to the fact that they have either hesitated or been unable to strike at the core of Fatos Nano’s political existence, which begins with the “Levante Kompani” scandal, continues with Arben Malaj’s pyramid schemes and Bashkim Fino’s mandate, and leads to “those wanted by the police,” as Ilir Meta calls the participants in the former party chairman’s rallies. And the fact that Nano’s clan remains strong despite the frontal attack by the leadership shows nothing other than that the highly criminalized faction within the Socialist Party is substantial. The “same old, gray-haired” people in the current government cannot win the battle against Fatos Nano by waving the statute in his face, because procedural violations are not the essence of the contrast between the two groups. It makes no difference whether Nano or anyone else in the party is allowed to campaign personally for party chairman; what is essential is to classify him with all the “virtues” and “merits” he has—both from the time he governed and plunged the country into the deepest abyss of crisis, and now, as he seeks to hold all the country’s politics hostage, not just his party but Albania itself. If there are truly forces among the Socialists that want to show that they have nothing in common with the man who left the Albanian [unclear] behind, if there are forces that understand they should not keep open the condemnation of bloodshed, crime and corruption, and of someone who openly demonstrates criminality as the creed of his politics, then Majko and his followers should seize this opportunity to distinguish themselves from Nano. Otherwise, no one in Albania will care who wins a pointless battle over statutory clauses, at a time when nobody can be denied the right to speak, call for support, run for office and be elected; but if the sacred principles of democracy are to be upheld, anyone can be shown the proper place according to the principle of whether they are or support an inspirer of the crime and mafia that have choked the country.

Geneva alarmed: Criminals deceive and rob Kosovars returning to their homes ON PAGE 3 The UNHCR spokesperson condemned the Albanian government’s inability to bring the territory under control and establish security conditions

Albania suffered damages of more than 725 million lekë eight years ago as a result of the theft carried out in cooperation between the former prime minister and Levante Co and Ajdin Sejdini Fatos Nano appointed the Italo-Yugoslav firm Levante Co to distribute Italian aid to Albania, in collaboration with Ajdin Sejdini, a super-wanted man by Interpol, whom Nano appointed as his adviser ON PAGE 3

The interior minister accuses the former prime minister of violating the law on public gatherings People wanted by the police and corrupt MPs have been spotted at these rallies ON PAGE 4

At Kakavijë and Kapshticë, the number of deportees is reaching new records ON PAGE 3

Today, 305 days since the murder of the December Leader Every day that passes since the murder of Azem Hajdari, the symbol of democracy and pluralism, proves the involvement of Fatos Nano’s government and its successors in the crime that shook the entire Albanian world. The government of the former communists, which leaves free and unpunished the criminals who killed the December Leader, shows Albanians that they have been and remain on the side of the killers, who have names and surnames but are untouched by those in power. The government either has to ... Azem Hajdari cannot tolerate this fact under any circumstances. The government either has to ... bring [them] into the public eye and bring the criminals who killed him to justice. The government either has to ... it was itself the gunshot that carried out Azem Hajdari’s murder.

PD is committed to making the necessary corrections to its program, including its position on property Beja: I believe that unless property is given its full scope in Albanian society, it will be difficult to establish balance and calm. It is essential that the issue of property be affirmed in the Democratic Party’s policy, even though work has been done over these two years; we still have a great deal to do ON PAGE 2