— From the speech by Comrade Ramiz Alia at the 9th Plenum of the Party Central Committee, 22 January 1990 — Comrades, Today’s meeting is, in a certain sense, a continuation of the work of the 8th Plenum of the Central Committee. At that time we submitted for discussion a number of issues concerning the need for further revolutionization of the life of the Party and the country, so that we could better meet the current stage of socialist construction. At today’s meeting, it is proposed that we turn those issues, as well as others that the comrades deem necessary, into decisions. In addition to facilitating the work of this meeting of the Central Committee, allow me to present some thoughts which may serve as a basis for as fruitful a discussion as possible. Only about four months have passed since the meeting of the 8th Plenum. But the international political situation has changed greatly. Major changes have taken place in the countries of the East—in Poland, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, the GDR, Bulgaria and Romania. It is apparent that these countries, while remaining members of the Warsaw Treaty, are shifting their ties toward the West, especially in economic relations, but also in political ones. They are establishing relations with Western socialist and social-democratic parties, drawing closer to and seeking to enter the European Community, and strengthening their ties with the EEC, the International Monetary Fund and other Western institutions. Western countries are encouraging political changes in Eastern Europe. In their calls for free elections and political pluralism, and for the creation of more parties and various groups, they demand that everything that might evoke socialism be severed. In bourgeois propaganda, the socialist ideal has been declared anachronistic. Reaction portrays communism as a threatening spectre. In the countries of the East, it was reality itself that drove the masses into hostility toward state power and political entities. The legitimacy of the socialist state was compromised and stained by the hypocrisy of the ruling cliques. Socialism, the communist parties and the democratic values created in the East after the Second World War were not further developed and enriched. Economic development and social emancipation were not accompanied by the perfection of socialist democracy. The state not only failed to become ‘of the whole people’; it became separated from the people and turned against them. Our Party was right, Comrade Ramiz said further, to concentrate, in its titanic struggle against revisionism, on stripping away its socialist masks and exposing its ‘Marxist’ specious arguments. Albanian communists understood and fought as best they could, with whatever means and strength they had, so that people would understand the danger of compromising socialism and its revolutionary ideology and policy. But the tragedy happened. We, as communists and internationalists, as members of the world army of revolutionaries, made our contribution to preventing it and gave more afterwards. But this must not make us complacent, just as we should not be pleased by the fact that we foresaw everything and spoke out. We must experience this tragedy with sorrow, but certainly without despair. Now we must draw lessons from what happened in the East. We must ask the question and seek answers: why did revisionism arise, what were its objective and subjective causes, the delays in identifying it, the mistakes and concessions? The analysis must also extend to developments in the Soviet Union over the long period of its practice of building socialism there. The fundamental thing is that we have a solid internal situation, that the power which emerged from the war has remained the people’s power, that the Party of Labour holds the initiative and its policies are in unity with the will of the masses. Calls from abroad for change, for deviating from the path we follow, find no support among us and do not resonate with the opinions and wishes of broad sections of the working people. This is a great political victory for our Party and our people. But without underestimating its value, we must remain vigilant at all times. We said at the 8th Plenum of the Central Committee that various pressures would be brought to bear on our country. Time has fully confirmed this prediction. External enemies, especially the Yugoslavs and Greek reaction, gave the first signal: they launched a campaign of slanders and fabrications against our country. For 45 years, free and independent Albania has been the target of attacks and slanders, said Comrade Ramiz. Various circles in the West began this campaign; they suffered a severe blow when the people’s revolution triumphed in our country and the traitorous and collaborationist organizations of ‘Balli Kombëtar’ and ‘Legaliteti’ were defeated—organizations whose ranks included the principal representatives of the exploiting classes, on whom the Anglo-Americans had pinned their hopes. The Yugoslavs continued this campaign and, together with Western reaction, tried not only through slander and propaganda but also by sending gangs and saboteurs to overthrow the people’s power. Later, in 1960, a new, savage attack began, this time from the Soviet Union: Khrushchev accused us of having ‘sold ourselves to imperialism for 30 aspra’. And so it has continued to this day. At all times, yesterday and today, continued Comrade Ramiz, the aim of those organizing anti-Albanian slanders and attacks has been and remains to subjugate Albania, make it lose its independence, change its course, turn it into one of their countries, so that no free rein is left to bureaucratism and liberalism, indifference and passivity. Secondly, while the decisions of the 8th Plenum were being worked out, communists and workers made various suggestions and proposals to supplement them with some new measures that would create opportunities to further deepen the role of the masses and the broad, active participation of all sections of the people, especially the youth, in the country’s socialist construction. Strengthening the Party, said Comrade Ramiz, must be our constant task. The Party is the leading force; the present and future of not only socialism but also the freedom and independence of the homeland are most closely bound up with it. In the countries of Eastern Europe, socialism was rejected under the slogan of liberation from the monopoly of the communist parties. And, supposedly as a saving formula for the democratic movement, the formula of pluralism was found: the creation of many parties and different organizations. The many parties in the East are rooted in the profound social and class differences that once existed and were revived and deepened during the years when revisionists held power. Society there became differentiated and stratified, polarized; classes and strata with different interests emerged, which objectively could not find expression or representation in a party that was not theirs. Now each of these groupings is demanding its share of power. We have declared ourselves in favour of the hegemony of the Party of Labour, being aware that this is a basic condition for socialist construction and that it accords with the objective circumstances of our country. If we look at the matter historically, if we go back to the past, to the time of Zog’s regime, Albania had no separate political parties. During the fascist occupation, political parties and organizations were created for the first time. The first to be formed was the Communist Party of Albania, today the Party of Labour. From the day of its founding, it entered into an uncompromising struggle against fascism, for a free, democratic and popular Albania. Immediately after the creation of the Party, and in reaction to it, ‘Balli Kombëtar’ emerged, followed later by ‘Legaliteti’. These two organizations, which represented the wealthy classes and supporters of a return to monarchy, did not manage to become political parties with influence in the country because, from their very first steps, they emerged as collaborationist organizations, openly serving the Italian and German fascist occupiers; in other words, they emerged as anti-national organizations. As such, the people did not follow them. On the contrary, the Albanian people—the youth, women and all working people, from the countryside and the city—rallied around the Communist Party, in antifascist organizations such as the National Liberation Front, the youth organizations, the women’s organization, and so on. Along this path, through trials by fire such as the struggle for national liberation, our Party won the love and trust of the masses. This love and trust were further forged in the great struggle to build socialism and defend national freedom and independence. In the conditions of our country, calls by the international bourgeoisie for a plurality of parties mean the revival of ‘Balli Kombëtar’ and ‘Legaliteti’, or the creation of similar antisocialist and anti-national political organizations. This would not be an expression of democracy, but a means of weakening national unity and creating conditions for the destruction of socialism. According to the bourgeois yardstick, the absence of many parties supposedly also means an absence of democracy. This is true. We have had no parties, but free discussion and the resolution of the people’s problems by democratic means—in village meetings, assemblies, councils of elders, oda and so on—are an ancient tradition. Our Party, nourished by the wisdom and knowledge of the people and their ideas, has raised this tradition to a much higher level. It has made the direct participation of the masses in drawing up and implementing plans for the country’s economic and cultural development, and in discussing every issue of concern to the people, its method of work. It also achieves this through various organizations and associations, such as the Democratic Front, the Youth Union, the Women’s Union, the Trade Unions, the veterans’ organization, the Writers’ League, associations of scientists, and so on. Naturally, we are not satisfied with the existing situation. Deepening the mass line, which is the essence of our socialist democracy, must remain at the centre of our attention. And in this respect, the development of democracy within the Party is a primary condition. Speaking further on this issue, Comrade Ramiz said: Continuing the discussion we held at the 8th Plenum, in what direction must the work of the Party be further revolutionized? 1. To strengthen the Party’s ties with the masses, (Continued on page 2) analysis must also extend to developments that took place practice of building socialism there. Comrade Ramiz continued: Comrade Enver uncovered some of the fundamental shortcomings of the Soviet system that influenced the emergence of revisionism. On the basis of his conclusions, measures were taken here to revolutionize the Party and the entire life of the country. Now that many years have passed, that things have settled, and that we have seen which weaknesses revisionism exploited and what weapons it used, many problems have become clearer to us. We can better see those mechanisms of the socialist system that should have played a major role in strengthening it, but were neglected. In the Soviet Union, they understood—though not with full awareness—that bureaucratization was increasing and posed a great danger. But they fought that bureaucratization not by combating it at its roots—that is, by increasing the role of the masses and strengthening socialist democracy—but by strengthening and perfecting the administration, by legislatively and disciplinarily regulating Party, state and social activities, and by increasing vertical centralization. It is no accident that glasnost, that is, speculation with democracy, has now become the revisionists’ principal weapon. There was a vacuum, which Gorbachev and others exploited successfully. More or less the same thing happened with liberalism. The Soviets also fought this mainly by administrative means. Liberalism has the quality of exploiting current issues, known shortcomings and weaknesses. It presents itself as modern in solving the problems of the times, as democratic, and operates with new terms, and so on. But in the Soviet Union, dogma was set against liberalism instead of a confrontation of ideas and arguments; general principles were set against it instead of solutions to problems. This created the conditions for individuals and groups of people, especially from the ranks of the intelligentsia, to distance themselves from socialism and embrace the kind that was being sold and advertised by the bourgeoisie. It was here that the bourgeoisie found the dissidents, and here that the revisionist cliques found their social base. All these and other similar issues need discussion, so that we can anticipate surprises, despite the great differences between our development and that of the Soviet Union and the other countries of the East. It is universally known that socialist Albania separated its fate from the Eastern bloc at the end of the ’60s. But it should be added that even earlier it had followed its own path. Here, our revolution was profound. The Communist Party of Albania itself was formed in Albania and by Albanians; its leaders learned the theory of socialism in the school of the struggle for national and social liberation. As long as the socialist camp existed, our Party valued its experience, but in the process of socialist construction it took account of our country’s particular conditions, its tradition, its material and spiritual heritage, and its national psychology. We say that the known phenomena of the East will not appear in Albania, not because external actions and processes directed against us are fewer. But the fundamental thing is that we have an internal situation of ... ...and desires adopted among the masses of the people. it lose its independence, change its position in international relations, make it conform and keep pace with others. These efforts will certainly fail shamefully. The freedom and independence won with blood, our victories, we will defend as our most precious possessions, with determination, by every means and without the slightest hesitation. Our people have chosen their own path of development and answer to no one for it. They, and no one else, know what must be done, when it must be done and how it must be done so that the process of socialist construction always moves forward. In Albania, the Albanian people are sovereign; they, and they alone, are masters of their own destiny. In these circumstances, Comrade Ramiz drew attention to the fact that, first of all, cadre vigilance must be increased. On the other hand, political and propaganda work must be intensified, especially within the country, but also with the outside world. The comrades in the Party committees, those responsible for propaganda, the press and radio and television, must think seriously, because this task cannot be met with a few slogans and old arguments, or with a formal and bureaucratic style. Another important direction of our work is the fulfilment of tasks in the economy. This requires not words and oaths, but work—much work by everyone. At all costs, we must fulfil the plans related to feeding and clothing the people. Nothing prevents us from having abundant markets with vegetables, milk and meat; no excuse is valid for any shortage we see. We must implement the decisions we have made with persistence, and indeed find ways to advance them. After speaking at length about the country’s foreign-policy problems and our state’s positions on some specific issues in current international relations, Ramiz Alia emphasized: We pursue a policy of peace and friendly cooperation with others. This has been and will continue to be our line in the future. We have neither wanted nor do we want isolation. Isolation, shutting ourselves up in our home as if in a besieged fortress, has not been and is not our political line. Albania’s enemies would want that. Therefore, our attitude toward the outside world must be active, in political relations and cooperation as well as in cultural and economic relations. We are interested in peace and friendship with our neighbours and in the Balkans, but also in Europe’s problems and in relations with all those who respond with friendship to the friendship we offer them. Then Comrade Ramiz Alia addressed the which has always been at the centre of attention. The revolutionization of the Party, he stressed, is essential for combating foreign influences and manifestations, and for keeping the Party and the people’s power, the communists and the cadres pure. These issues were also discussed at the 8th Plenum of the Party Central Committee. We are returning to the decisions of that Plenum for two reasons: first, to encourage their full and rapid implementation

the creation of as many different parties and groups as possible, they demand the destruction of everything that might remind people of socialism. Reaction portrays communism as a threatening spectre—not for the bourgeoisie, but for the people. The events in Eastern Europe, in their general meaning, are not unexpected for us, Comrade Ramiz emphasized. What our Party and Comrade Enver had predicted for decades has happened, something that few in the outside world believed at the time. For more than 30 years, ever since Khrushchev appeared on the scene in the Soviet Union and the countries of Eastern Europe accepted Khrushchevism and later Brezhnevism, we have spoken of the restoration of capitalism there and have called the process of returning to bourgeois society complete. Nevertheless, there is something new in current events: in Poland, the communist party is no longer the ruling party; it is in opposition, while power has been taken by Solidarity; in the GDR, Honecker has gone and a man from an organization called the Democratic Forum is coming to the head of the country; in Czechoslovakia, Husak has gone and Dubcek has returned, and so on. What has happened has far-reaching consequences, which call for new ideological, political and economic analyses and assessments. The Soviet Union does not oppose the changes taking place in Eastern Europe. Indeed, it inspired and encouraged them, although in some cases, as in the GDR, they also got out of its control, and in others, such as Poland and Hungary, the hand of the Western bourgeoisie may perhaps have been more present. Nevertheless, the Soviet Union does not allow the countries of the East to enter into political-military alliances with the West—that is, to leave the Soviet sphere of influence, much less to become anti-Soviet bastions, a kind of ‘sanitary cordon’, as they were before the Second World War. This was also the main purpose of the Bush-Gorbachev meeting in Malta; they agreed on this with each other. Alongside the euphoria, the events in the East have also aroused some concerns in the West. Several political problems have emerged, such as the German question and the future position of military pacts and economic unions, but the problems of overcoming the crisis in the Eastern countries have become no less worrying. Nevertheless, all sides agree that these processes should be curtailed, because, on the whole, they work in capitalism’s favour. After speaking about the nature of the transformations taking place in the countries of the East, Comrade Ramiz continued: What draws attention, or is characteristic of these processes, is that they have mobilized the broad masses’ energies and even their enthusiasm. It is natural to ask: why is this happening? How can the working class and the masses become protagonists and supporters of the restoration of capitalism? The tragedy is that the peoples of these countries experienced the revisionist, bureaucratic regime, its violence, economic stagnation, the opposite, technological [development?], etc., as products of the socialist system and Marxism-Leninism, which they are now rejecting.