They have only one path—implementation
For nearly three months, our public has been following and widely discussing the decisions of the 9th Plenum of the Party’s Central Committee. The scale of the issues raised, and the perspectives and paths for resolving them, give this Plenum particular significance for the present and the future. But what has been achieved? Have we done much or little? For those accustomed to routine, ordinary work, much has been done—indeed, arduous work. For those who continue to underline the decisions of this Plenum line by line, we can say that this is the beginning of a major task that lies ahead. First and foremost, this concerns a qualitative improvement in the Party’s work, across all areas of life and development, economic and social. The theme of revolutionizing and democratizing the life of the country, listening to and implementing the line of the masses, has long been a point of reference in all Party documents, beginning with their first signing by comrade Enver Hoxha. At different times and periods it has acquired new features. In this respect, the 9th Plenum takes a great leap forward, with heightened demands. It is up to our cadres and people to understand the essence of these demands, study them in depth, and move forward with wisdom and determination, keeping pace with the times. The basic organization is the Party’s foundation. It is no coincidence that the decisions of the 9th Plenum emphasize the necessity of revolutionizing and democratizing, first and foremost, the basic organizations themselves and the communists. But how is this proceeding? Answers have been given several times about raising [unclear] in the organization, in good time, so that they feel equal to the collective, remain humble and make sacrifices, and are attentive and humane. This is the communists’ militancy, this is the Party-mass and communist-collective relationship. Herein lie the strength and prospects of the Plenum’s decisions as well. Every stage in the revolutionizing of Party and national life calls for its own style of people. We must find this style first and foremost in the basic organizations, among the communists. Respect for the opinion of the masses, who are the bearers of progress, is today a matter of the day and of the times. In this sense, no important decision in the field of development and progress can be considered complete and well-considered without being submitted to the judgment of the masses. In just a few decades, our country has transformed its standing in the development of industry, agriculture, art and culture beyond comparison. Alongside this, a large generation of cadres, specialists and managers has grown up. Today, a large industrial complex or institution has more skilled and highly educated employees than an entire district once had. Thus, there are now many knowledgeable and capable people, from among whom the best of the best can be elected to all Party and state bodies, up to the People’s Assembly, the government and mass organizations: people with Party-mindedness and proven trustworthiness, capable and determined—thereby also implementing the decision on the length of service in a post. But nowhere is the voice of democracy heard more directly than in the election of leaders and persons in charge directly by work collectives. Therefore, as the Plenum instructs, candidates proposed by the meeting for leadership posts should appear before the voters and present their platform for future work, explaining the ideas on which they base their proposals to advance production or creative work. After that, we can say, “Here you are—now vote, and good luck with the work.” But these rules do not suit certain bureaucratic notions that also come from “presidiums of meetings,” where people not only interfere improperly, but also influence and put pressure on the process so that those chosen to lead are people who enjoy their recognition and blessing, even though they have no particular reputation in public opinion and, in some cases, not only lack the necessary qualifications and educational level, but also have no prospects or possibility of advancement in the future. On the other hand, in many cases there is reluctance to move leaders and officials who have not merely held on to a chair for five or ten years, but have gone beyond fifteen. Even in these cases, the comrades from the “presidium” rush to produce the special-case card, arguing that if the collective wants it, leaders may remain even outside the criteria. And they are ready to present these exceptional cases as rules. The collective’s right must be respected even in an exceptional case, but we must also give due consideration to the rotation of cadres, as stipulated by the Plenum’s decision. In any case, capable people are not shut out after their time in leadership; indeed, the collective itself will confidently recommend them for other positions involving important work and creativity. To these weaknesses, even when repeated, the Plenum says, “Stop!” But this cannot be achieved through partial repairs, as was often called for in the past, when in some cases people were cut from one office and woken up in another, or only the secretaries, departments, and sometimes even just the floor were changed. Would it not be better to study this problem on the basis of the administration’s actual workload, and tell clerical comrades, economists, engineers, technologists, etc. who become “available”: “Here you have this material base; here you have machinery and equipment scattered everywhere and left unused. Go ahead, set up sectors, production lines, or even independent enterprises, and make your own decisions on a broad range of matters, from production to wages and the number of workers.” This work, which must be permanent and much broader in scope, from production to wages and the number of workers, must be put into practice with seriousness, intelligence, imagination and courage, because those who do not want complications underfoot—and who can find a hundred ways to shut every path if you show them everything—are capable of doing so. SOKRAT NDREÇKA
The basic organization is the Party’s foundation. The decisions of the 9th Plenum rightly emphasize the need to revolutionize and democratize, But how is this progressing? Repeated efforts to raise the role of the organization and the Communists in the eyes of the collective, which participates in open meetings, cannot save the routine work that is done in some cases—still less when people proceed with the idea that this is all we can do and that this is how things will continue. The concerns raised at the beginning—who would come to the meetings, where halls could be found for the entire collective, what to do if a troublemaker turned up at a meeting, and so on—are gradually subsiding. But unfortunately, in many cases the basic organizations carry on with their usual work: routine, drawn-out discussions of secondary issues, and meetings that last for hours, until midnight. In such cases, Communists should know that people have no time to waste.
Everyone who holds a Party membership card must understand clearly that the decisions of the 9th Plenum call for a high-quality basic organization, one that moves beyond the narrow pages of minutes, with Communists who lead the way and tell the masses: «Come with us,» not «Set off, we’re coming,» and, at the same time. democratize, the same time
and the best people, people with Party commitment and deep trust, capable and determined, thereby also implementing the decision on the length of time spent in a given directly than in the election of leaders and managers directly by the collectives of enterprises or institutions. We can say that the work done so far has produced good results. Where the criteria have been applied properly and with maturity, discussions have been lively and well reasoned. The people elected to leadership have been assessed with seriousness and responsibility. But alongside this, it must be acknowledged that the «bureaucratic shadows» have not let go, and do not let go easily; nor do the «outdated books» abandon their reminders to exercise greater care: lest people with little experience, about whom little is known and whose abilities are unrecognized, end up in leadership, and so on. These bureaucratic precautions and posturing are intended mainly to prevent leaders who will serve them in good times and bad from slipping out of their sphere of influence. Ultimately, those who do not clear the way for the processes of further democratization of the Party and the life of the country are afraid their positions may slip away. Nor should the notions and efforts of certain careerists—who, as the saying goes, think «today me, tomorrow you in this chair»—be allowed to manipulate the collective. The correct approach is to present the criteria to the participants and apply the decision fairly and credibly.
The election procedure also has a special place in the process of revolutionization and democratization. There is no doubt that open discussion and secret voting better uphold the principles of justice. But here, too, there are cases in which interested parties come forward to manipulate matters. In some cases this is presented as supposed practical difficulty in holding a vote, or as: so many good things have been said about the director that they would not even fit in the ballot box. And, indeed, in some cases there are sycophants and self-seekers who are the first to stand up and fill the presidium table at the meeting with praise for the director, then, convinced they are saying something momentous, propose that the voting be open. These «alms-seekers» thus deposit their act of benevolence with their superior for tomorrow. This supposedly collective-minded practice is also being followed frequently when approving trips abroad for specialization courses of varying lengths. «I’ll put your name forward, Comrade Director, and you can return the favor on the other side».
The decisions of the 9th Plenum raise major issues concerning the
the proper assessment of cadres, as prescribed not shut out from further opportunities confidently recommend them for other positions involving substantial work and creativity.
The decisions of the 9th Plenum on revolutionizing and democratizing the life of the country have, at their core, the principal aim of advancing the productive and creative forces—not by ordinary means, not through bureaucratic sluggishness and lethargy, but with the new and powerful impulses demanded by socialism.
Comrade Ramiz Alia has emphasized that today we need everyone’s work and ideas, that is, total mobilization, so that through revolutionizing and democratizing the life of the country we may increase the strength of the homeland, fulfill the plans for production and improved prosperity, and defend and secure freedom and independence.
The Party does not work through campaigns. Those who are waiting for the 10th Plenum in order to close the chapter of the 9th are mistaken. The decisions of the 9th Plenum are of great importance for the present and the future, and the people, together with the Party, will implement them fully.