(The copy and the original) Beware of the DP’s “ornate language” After March 31, the leaders of the DP wrote in RD and declared at rallies that the Bulgarian scenario would be implemented in Albania. According to this scenario, the legitimate government that emerged from the free and democratic elections of March 31 had to be brought down within two months. And that is what happened. Just as in Bulgaria. After that, the DP continued to apply the Bulgarian scenario in Albania with perseverance. In other words, many of the DP’s sensational actions were nothing but copies of actions by the Bulgarian opposition. Recently, the DP leaders have been astonishing many people with their statements: They declare that they respect the National Liberation War and its martyrs. “Let alone fighting communism—[we are against] not communism and socialism!” The farmer will receive land according to the law, not according to old history! The right thing is to close [unclear] so that Albania can be changed! We support free and democratic elections and condemn every act of terror that undermines the free spirit of elections! We condemn every kind of revenge and revanchism! Why are people surprised by the above statements made by Sali Berisha and the DP? Because, until just a few days ago, all of us were used to hearing many DP leaders say the opposite of the statements above. So, now that all this has happened, what order has come down, what scenario is being repeated that has forced the DP to change its tone and language now, on the eve of the election campaign? The Bulgarian scenario gives us the answer to this enigma, too. International public opinion has by now become familiar with the Bulgarian opposition’s spectacular tricks on the eve of the election campaign. The trick was this: At a time when it was waging a struggle against the Bulgarian socialists on the eve of the election campaign, the Bulgarian opposition began speaking quite differently from how it had spoken until then. Many statements were made saying that the Bulgarian opposition would not give the land to landlords or sell it to foreigners, but would give it to the peasants; that they had nothing against the socialists, but were opposed to communism as a system and structure, and so on. With these electoral tricks, the Bulgarian opposition deceived thousands and thousands of people who believed that its change of course was sincere. But this trick was exposed very quickly. As soon as it came to power, the Bulgarian opposition forgot what it had said on the eve of the election campaign about the peasants, land, the socialists, and so on; it began a savage attack against the socialists and is doing everything it can to outlaw them. Meanwhile, the promises to the peasants were forgotten, and the Bulgarian opposition now takes extreme positions. It is fighting to take land away even from foreigners. At present, thousands of ordinary Bulgarian citizens are being subjected to persecution and dismissed from their jobs solely because of their political beliefs. This is now the age of fascist dictatorships. Here is what the foreign news agencies reported on February 7, 1992: “A large number of Bulgarians are losing their jobs for political reasons, for a variety of reasons. [The text here is garbled.] Electoral tricks by the Bulgarian opposition on the eve of the election campaign.”

(The copy and the original) Beware of the DP’s “ornate language” Yesterday, the chairman of the Socialist Party of Albania, Comrade Fatos Nano, received at the party headquarters the distinguished Kosovar academician Professor Doctor Rexhep Qosja and other intellectuals from Kosovo: Professor Doctor Idriz Ajeti, Professor Doctor Rumiz Kelmendi, and the chairman of Kosovo’s independent trade unions, Professor Doctor Hajrulla Gorani. “I am very happy to have the opportunity to meet distinguished intellectuals like you,” said Comrade Fatos Nano. “We consider this meeting an extraordinary one.” He briefed the Kosovar brothers on the current political situation in Albania, on the contribution the Socialist Party of Albania has made and continues to make to deepening democratic processes, and on the proper resolution of the Albanian national question. He expressed the full and unconditional commitment of the SPA to supporting the legitimate rights of our Albanian brothers in Yugoslavia, stressing that the Albanian question today stands above every other question. At a time when the authorities are taking over the administration, [they are] purging the state administration, universities, and some enterprises. The Bulgarian government has drafted a resolution under which no one who had ties to the former socialist regime will work in the state administration. Hundreds of government staff members and several ministers have already been dismissed. Along with dismissals in the state administration and in some companies, professors at Sofia University are also being dismissed. So far, 68 professors and lecturers have lost their jobs, while 500 other university employees have been included on the list of politically undesirable persons.” This Bulgarian spectacle is being put into practice in Bulgaria. The DP will do the same in Albania if it comes to power. There is no other logic: the DP will implement the Bulgarian scenario with the same consistency with which it has pursued it until now. The operators and the orders are the same. Therefore, we address ordinary people: beware of the DP’s “ornate language.” Its latest statements about the countryside, the martyrs of the National Liberation War, the socialists, the files, and so on are electoral deceptions. The Bulgarian experience proves this. We are fortunate that the Bulgarians are one step ahead of us in political developments. It would be a sin not to learn from what is happening in Bulgaria today. Tomorrow will be too late—certainly far too late. MUSA ULQINI The meeting began half an hour late. Apologizing for this, Professor Doctor Teki Tartari said in his opening remarks that Professor Doctor Rexhep Qosja had tried until the very last minute to ensure as full a representation as possible at the meeting. Nevertheless, the official representatives of the PDSH, the PRSH, and the Forum for the Protection of Human Rights in Albania were absent. Professor Doctor Rexhep Qosja then took the floor and briefed the meeting on the work carried out by the Organizing Council of the Assembly for the Albanians of Yugoslavia. He said: “The Organizing Council for the Assembly for Reconciliation and National Unity has made a series of efforts to bring together all those individuals and all those political, social, educational, scientific, and cultural structures that can help ensure that this Assembly is as successful and as impressive as possible. Meetings have been held with the leaders of political parties, and we have succeeded in bringing in the largest possible number of these parties in Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro, and Kosovo: Professor Doctor Idriz Ajeti, Professor Doctor Ramiz Kelmendi, Professor Doctor Hajrulla Gorani; representatives of political parties and political and social organizations in Albania; representatives of religious communities in Albania, of the press, of ATSH, of Albanian Radio and Television, former political prisoners, and so on. We have done all this in the hope of creating a national agreement to hold the Assembly. We have attached great importance, and continue to attach great importance, to holding this Assembly because we value its aims very highly. We think the pan-national Assembly should be an opportunity to see clearly the situation in which Albania finds itself today and the situation in which the Albanian people find themselves today, in the same condition. We consider this situation difficult and characterized by several negative processes that it would be best to stop in time if possible. First of all, the processes of integration; the displacement of Albanian youth, here and even more so there with us; and third, the vengeful passions that are sweeping through Albania more strongly and through our part less strongly. If this is so, we think these processes must be stopped so that we can help integrate the Albanian people. Secondly, we think that the Assembly for Reconciliation and National Unity should determine what Albanian interests are today. We believe that, in addition to the national question as the primary issue, these interests also comprise the state, economic, and political questions, which will … … be addressed through the definition of a pan-national strategy that will lead to the realization of Albanian national interests. We can say that we can have a pan-national strategy only if we are spiritually integrated and have a precise program of defined interests and the means to realize that program. Until now, we have had national tactics or fragmented strategies applied in Albania, Kosovo, and among the Albanians of Macedonia, but we do not have a pan-national strategy for realizing our interests. Spiritual unity, as history has shown, has always preceded the territorial and human unifications of peoples. The source of a people’s strength and weakness is the level of its spiritual life. For a state to be established, it must be democratic, well organized, and stable. But for a people to be established and awakened, it must be spiritually integrated and morally united. Through the Assembly for Reconciliation and Unity, we highlight the democratic character of our people, because an Assembly can only be a democratic act. Through the pan-national Assembly, we demonstrate to the world the democratic orientation of the Albanian people. The process of creating a new world order, the disintegration of Yugoslavia, the fall of communism, and the radical changes in Albania cast new light on the Albanian question and root… (Continued on page 3) [Illegible and cut-off column fragments on the adjoining page; visible fragments: “... shinias.”, “... xhjer ...”, “... vendin ...”, “... datëve ...”, “... javësh ...”, “... erikan.”, “... drysh...”, “... mbi ...”, “... ver-”]

…reason, wisdom, and moderation. Therefore, I consider myself fortunate to have met you. Professor Rexhep Qosja spoke at the meeting about today’s problems of national reconciliation and unity. He said that history has shown that peoples who were previously divided have united in the fields of culture and spiritual life, and even within the framework of the state. We must create a common national cultural space. To create this common cultural space, it is necessary to establish the relevant joint institutions and break down the barriers that divided us. He also told this to his colleagues at the Academy of Sciences. Why should we not have, for example, joint commissions for the accreditation of master’s degrees? Why should we not have joint editorial offices in which Albanians from Albania and the diaspora can take part? Regarding the Assembly for national reconciliation and unity, Professor Rexhep Qosja said: “I think some steps forward have been made. Everyone must become aware that national reconciliation is, first and foremost, a democratic act. We have devoted great attention to national unity in Kosovo. Albanians will be heard by others to the extent that they are united.” The meeting was also attended by the deputy chairman of the PSSh, Dr. Servet Pëllumbi, and the member of the PSSh Central Committee presidium, Comrade Dritëro Agolli. Correspondent of “Zëri i popullit”

- The Expanded Organizing Council of the Assembly for National Reconciliation and Unity met. - Academician Rexhep Qosja and other distinguished Kosovar intellectuals took part. - Ismail Kadar[e]ja is elected co-chairman of the Organizing Council of the Assembly for National Reconciliation and Unity. Yesterday, a meeting of the Expanded Organizing Council of the Assembly for National Reconciliation and Unity was held in one of the halls of the Palace of Congresses in Tirana. - The Expanded Organizing Council of the Assembly for National Reconciliation and Unity met. - Academician Rexhep Qosja and other distinguished Kosovar intellectuals took part. - Ismail Kadar[e]ja is elected co-chairman of the Yesterday, a meeting of and Unity was held in one of the halls of the Palace of Congresses in Tirana. The meeting was chaired by the co-chairmen, Professor Doctor Teki Tartari and Professor Doctor Rexhep Qosja. Attending were members of the Assembly’s Organizing Council, intellectuals from former political perse-… Southern [unclear]. Meetings have been held with representatives of religious communities, and the Islamic Religious Community of Kosovo, the Islamic Religious Community of Macedonia, and the Catholic Church have each sent their own representatives to the Organizing Council. Meetings have been held with the Council for Human Rights, which has sent its representatives to the Organizing Council. Meetings have also been held with individuals from the diaspora, and several of our compatriots in Switzerland, France, Germany, Belgium, and the USA have joined the Organizing Council. great importance, and continue to attach great im-… the question of establishing democracy in Albania in the life of the Albanian people, the social question, the educational question, and finally the democratic question. We think the Albanian people are one of the few peoples in Europe that has not resolved its national question; it is a divided people. For this reason, the Assembly for National Reconciliation and Unity must determine Albanian national interests. We can say that a pan-national strategy is possible program of defined interests and the means to-…

We were travelling to Tirana. The bus was full of passengers. Until Rrogozhinë… [Partial text at the upper edge] …happened, now become familiar with spectacular tricks. [Small heading above] To make you laugh and cry When Saliu Calls Us — Past, but not forgotten — We were travelling to Tirana. The bus was full of passengers. Until Rrogozhinë, the bus was quiet. As soon as we had passed Rrogozhinë, a group of passengers began a political debate among themselves about the crisis within the DP. The group was divided into two sides. One side defended Mr. Neritan Ceka and said that Mr. Sali was driving one of his biggest opponents out of the party. In this way the DP resembled a second Party of Labour. The other side defended Mr. Sali, saying that he was powerful. “Let him get in the ring with some boxer,” someone said. “To me, the DP is in a complete crisis, but that shouldn’t make us happy, because the DP is the main opposition force and, consequently, we all suffer as Albanians.” “To me, Albania is Saliu. Saliu is the world.” A passenger who had not spoken until then interjected. “The Albanian community has two figures: Saliu and Saliun.” “Neritan Ceka should be expelled from the DP, if it is true that he was planted in the DP by the President; and if not, then Sali Berisha should be dismissed, because this is not a simple disagreement but a deep contradiction between the DP’s two main tendencies.” “Neritani said he would cause disorder at the moment.” “Yes, come on, tell me, who’s next to kill himself in the DP? Tell me, because the third anti-party group was exposed by the party itself.” “Azem Hajdari …” [The dialogue continues in the next column] …caught fire; suddenly, the bus stopped. We had reached Kavajë. The door opened and a young man over 25 got on. The bus set off, and the conversation began again. As soon as the newly arrived young man heard Neritan Ceka’s name, he shouted loudly: “He’s a traitor and should be killed. But what can you do—he didn’t come in time? We were going to use his head like a bird’s.” “Were you in Elbasan?” they asked him. “I was, man, but we came up empty, because they warned the bastard and he slipped away halfway down the road. The next morning, before it was properly light, he took off for Germany.” “Were there many from Kavajë?” “Lots. Our whole crowd was there from Kavajë, Shkodra, Durrës, Tirana, and Elbasan. They were sitting in rows 2 and 3. All of them had pistols at their waists, and he hit hard at the place where the pistols were kept. We would have killed him on the spot, but the State Security people warned him. In the end, let him say whatever he wants; he’s going to be broken here, and we’ll bring him down alive.” One of Saliu’s sympathizers said to him about this situation: “No excesses, no excesses. Mr. Sali doesn’t teach us that.” “But in Vlora, were you guys there? Did anyone provoke you?” “Why, what happened in Vlora?” “They asked for Gramoz Pashko’s mandate to be taken away because he betrayed [them], and for it to be given to Mr. Sali as well.” “When?” “Two or three days ago.” “No, man, Saliu hadn’t told us!!!” LUTFI GJINISHTI

— Rewritten report from Elbasan — “Can a farmer enjoy the land he has received?” Anyone who observes a village immediately asks themselves this question… “Can a farmer enjoy the land he has received?” Anyone who observes a village immediately asks themselves this question, whether a casual passerby, a visitor, a politician campaigning for votes, or someone else seeking to learn a little about everyday life and hardships. Even a brief, casual walk along the village roads makes the question above increasingly troubling, and then you bring it up in conversation with the residents. Even the most naturally optimistic person will be affected, perhaps even saddened, from the very first conversations. Even if you set out hoping to find something cheerful in this “little spring” [unclear] and shortened … …one thing remains: the farmer, as always, is very hardworking and works his land from morning until evening with unmatched willingness and passion. But he feels A-B-A-N-D-O-N-E-D by the state. Perhaps the [unclear] does not define it in categorical terms, but that is how it is. Indeed, since he himself confirms that this is so and not otherwise, we have written the “harsh” word out letter by letter. And if the state and its representatives still do not believe this, then let us “help” them with two or three truths: The village of Shtërment, in the Elbasan district, lies below the highway and has a wide plain, The plain looks as if it has been deformed. “This year, most families planted wheat for bread because we could not obtain wheat seed,” someone says. “About 80 percent of the plain has been planted with wheat,” another continues, “and this happened not because we are worried about securing bread, but because no supplies or seeds are available for planting other crops, especially industrial crops, for which the village has a tradition.” The same conversation takes place in Gostimë. Ali Lleshaj, an elderly resident of this village, even says that they are not only denied the chance to get the field’s manure (even the wheat here was planted without a single application of fertilizer … … friend, and [unclear] how will the head be made? But no one knows whether the crops will have any market, whether in the marketplace or for industry. As if all this were not enough, here is another concern: Both villages, Shtërment and Gostimë, get water from the Shkumbin through the “Nauk Pavlik” canal? The water, perhaps for a little while longer, may [unclear] in a month; it is disgusting for the planted plots. So far nothing has been done about the canal, even though at this time the water is muddy, polluted, and so on, and [the canal] needs to be cleaned, widened, and repaired. However bitter this may be for the govern-… (Continued on page 2)

Bearing in mind the agreement reached between the political forces in December 1991… Bearing in mind the agreement reached between the political forces in December 1991, considering the forthcoming elections to be an indispensable factor for political stability, the governance of the country, and the further development of economic reform, having sought the opinion of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers and the Chairman of the Presidium of the People’s Assembly, and pursuant to points 9 and 3 of Article 28 of Law 7491, dated 20.4.1991, “On the Main Constitutional Provisions,” I decree: 1. The dissolution of the People’s Assembly of the 12th Legislature. 2. New elections for the People’s Assembly shall be held on March 22, 1992, a Sunday. 3. The Council of Ministers is charged with taking all organizational measures and providing the necessary material and financial resources in implementation of Law 7556, dated 4.2.1992, “On Elections to the People’s Assembly of the Republic of Albania.” 4. This decree enters into force immediately. President of the Republic RAMIZ ALIA