— From the speech by Dr. Servet Pëllumbi, Vice-Chairman of the SPA, at a meeting of its Steering Committee — Two election campaigns within the space of one year. An indicator of the intensity of political developments, an indicator of tensions, searches, but also hopes of finding a better political solution that would open the way more broadly to stability and democratic development, overcoming the crisis and moving to a social market economy. Two election campaigns, both belonging to a period of transition, with many things in common, but also many particularities that would make any attempt to copy the first, even partially, in the second absolutely futile. Without making history, I would like only to draw attention to some of the unfavorable and favorable factors we will face in the current campaign for the election of deputies to the People’s Assembly. It goes without saying that our approach to them must differ. What are some of the unfavorable factors? We are entering the second election campaign amid a deep economic crisis that has erupted, with economic indicators in continuous decline, with 80 percent continuing to [unclear] and devastate the economy, with mass unemployment, a rampant rise in speculative prices, and inflation expected to reach four digits. Destruction continues, as do theft and organized crimes that were previously unknown. The exoduses, although on a smaller scale, continue. The country is being kept afloat by aid arriving from abroad, aid intended only for consumption, or which encourages consumption, while further paralyzing production. All of this has deepened the crisis of confidence and psychologically constrained people, whom the difficult economic conditions themselves place in extremely contradictory positions: both to rally around a savior (Messiah) and to fall into despair; both to withdraw into partisan political struggle and to grow relatively quickly disillusioned with it; both to decisively distance themselves from the grave mistakes of the past and to return nostalgically to fragments of it; both to understand that healing our society takes time and to believe almost every grandiose promise made to them. Compared with the elections a year ago, in this March’s elections we no longer have a party that the situation had cornered, a party in crisis that was supposedly about to disappear from the scene; we no longer have the nomenklatura, the closed and privileged caste that could not hold a meeting with voters. The past, from which we decisively distanced ourselves, no longer weighs on us with the burden the opposition would wish, although it has taken particular care to make it do so over the past nine months! Today we have a Socialist Party that has presented itself as a new, measured, balanced, but also resolute force, capable of taking responsibility for the new processes and the difficulties of transition, and offering a contemporary alternative, the alternative known in Europe: a social market economy, the alternative of democratic socialism. And it is a fact that, for a country emerging from a centralized economy, with a particular system of social protection, this is the best, most suitable and most acceptable alternative for the overwhelming majority of people who are left-wing—unlike totalitarianism stripped of all substance. So today we have a party organized from the bottom up better than any other political force in our country. We have with us the good, nationwide tradition, and the Socialist Party did not fall into the trap of opposition pressure to deny absolutely everything from the past. We have with us the overwhelming majority of the intelligentsia, among them the most distinguished intellectuals in every field, who believe that the Socialist Party is capable of taking responsibility—even alone, if necessary—for governing the country successfully and with a steady hand. Today, in the Party and around it, we have a devoted, militant and progressive youth, convinced of Euro-socialist ideals. The youth committee activists and the activists developing in the districts are changing many people’s opinions of the SP and the alternative it offers the country, and of its strength and vitality as a political force. Through its measured positions and the democratic spirit it has demonstrated, the Socialist Party has overcome the psychology of terror and the logic of pressure exerted by the street, often accompanied by acts of vandalism that have characterized the opposition forces. It is true that the SP has no direct allies among the other political forces, but it has gained—and is gaining—a great deal as a force that has acted with a strong sense of responsibility in relation to three fundamental things: First, that it play its important role in the entire process of the radical transformation of our society through reforms carefully considered and developed in accordance with the conditions of our country; Second, that it act as a political force that has played the leading role in the peaceful transition of our society toward a social market economy and pluralist democracy; Third, that it reform and mature itself amid the transformations and reforms being carried out. The test and results of the First National Conference speak clearly to the SP’s seriousness and consistency. The recognition and growing prestige of the SP in the eyes of the socialist and social-democratic parties of the Socialist International should also be underlined as another favorable factor. The opposition tried in vain to isolate our Party from Europe. With our European policy, our program and concrete positions, and our contribution to democratic processes in Albania, we can say without exaggeration that our Party has crossed the threshold into the family of the European left. This was also demonstrated by recent meetings with a number of European left-wing parties, the invitation to participate in the Vienna meeting to be held in March, and so on. Of course there are other favorable factors on which we base our confidence that we are entering the elections to win and that we will win. But we must consider how we can make the most of them (Continued on page 3). The difficult economic conditions themselves make it impossible for people to avoid believe almost every grandiose promise made to them. If we add to these factors the fact that we are still far from having a state governed by the rule of law, and that the country is governed by a very fragile technical government which has taken on limited tasks and is able to establish order and calm and continue the reforms already begun and so indispensable, the picture becomes even clearer and more complex. Without mentioning the many other unfavorable factors, we could conclude that while the country today has a democratic appearance, with 18–20 parties, dozens of political and social associations and organizations, and dozens of new newspapers and magazines—in other words, greater freedom of speech and association—it has become poorer in people. Nor should two circumstances be forgotten: first, in conditions of economic poverty, democracy can very easily turn either into anarchy or into dictatorship; and second, the political struggle of almost all the other political forces is focused against the PS. Nearly all political forces call themselves opposition parties and try to gain political capital, not by confronting the hardships and problems facing the country, not by putting forward ideas and solutions and working to implement them, but mainly by insulting the PS and cursing the past. This complicates the situation and increases our responsibility not to take sides in quarrels and to focus mainly on justifying our positions. That would be particularly harmful in circumstances such as those we have entered. We have no reason to adopt such positions. We have plenty of favorable factors that make us optimistic and strengthen our confidence to declare that we will enter the elections to win, and that we will win. What are some of the favorable factors?

A NECESSARY REPLY Stop playing with Albania! After the notorious anti-Albanian TANJUG, immediately after political pluralism was established in Albania, another TANJUG has appeared across the Atlantic—the voice of Mr. Elez Biberaj. This “great specialist on the Albanian question” at “Voice of America,” to give him his due, has made and continues to make a notable contribution to turning “VOA” into the “Voice of Sali Berisha” and the company of pseudo-democrats in Albania. Mr. Biberaj, we have assigned ourselves a special role. Those who truly believe in democracy in Albania, whether they are socialists or democrats, republicans or social democrats, have believed and continue to believe unwaveringly that the Albanian-American community will make its own notable contribution to the spread of democracy in its beloved homeland. This belief is all the stronger because you have lived and worked for years in a country that is regarded as, and is, a temple of democracy. Our faith in this regard will not be shaken. But we would like to tell you that we would be better off without contributions like yours! As for the report you broadcast on “VOA” on February 11, we truly do not know how to thank you! You rightly think and state that “the coming elections will be decisive for Albania.” That observation is correct, but the one-sided and unfair disinformation on which you base your analyses and draw your conclusions makes one laugh and causes hilarity. You cannot help it. No matter how sophisticated the tools at your disposal, it is difficult and impossible to learn the Albanian reality from the “VOA” offices, especially when you look through the glasses of an anti-Albanian. How is it possible for you, on the one hand, to say that “the coming elections will be decisive in Albania,” and, on the other, to treat this decisive issue like children’s playthings?! Major national issues require judgments made with great responsibility. Will it be discussed from chair number one, by the practiced [unclear], or from the chair of his talent? Anyone who judges Albanian democracy in good faith has asked, and continues to ask, that political forces engage in an honest struggle—as opponents but as brothers—and be psychologically and morally prepared to accept the election results, whatever they may be. The roots of sta- Which, according to you, although it has the power in its hands, has “allowed order and calm to be disrupted,” has allowed “the situation to worsen,” and consequently “is to blame and [unclear] democracy.” How far from reality you are, and how gravely mistaken! You are entitled to display your anti-communist allergy as often as you like. You are entitled to hate. We have no reservations about that, but it does not entitle you to call yourself a democrat, much less a preacher of democracy. It is no wonder that someone can live in America, among people with a great democratic spirit, and yet be a pseudo-democrat, just as one can sit beside patriotic hearts glowing with fire and be a renegade. The Socialist Party has not lost its standing because Mr. Biberaj uses “Voice of America” to accuse it. No Albanian socialist is troubled by this; indeed, none would deign to bother with Biberaj-style fantasies. Our concern is different: through your one-sided accusations against the SPA, your honor is further heightening political and social tensions in Albania, provoking tensions and openly or covertly fanning the further destabilization of Albania. And what more have those who have never accepted the existence of the Albanian state and nation done or sought? Party passions are not always patriotic passions, Mr. Biberaj. It is the easiest thing today to pour gasoline on the fire, when what is needed is to put it out, so that Albania can enjoy the calm of work and normal life. In the end, Mr. Biberaj, TANJUG’s spirit is not satisfied with divisive slander against the [unclear]. Word for word, he asserts that the new elections depend on the implementation of the law and that “it remains to be seen whether the campaigns of the opposition parties will be financed on an equal footing with that of the communists. Will the communists be allowed to use the very large resources at their disposal to influence the election results?” In the name of truth, you should say the opposite. But the truth that nourishes democracy does not interest you, and you continue cynically: “when the opposition parties secured a quantity of paper from international charitable organizations, the daily newspaper began to be published...” …its own character. Anyone who judges the democratization of Albania benevolently has called for, and continues to call for, the political forces to engage in an honest struggle, with the opposition, for its part, they may be. The roots of Albania’s stability—and therefore its salvation—lie here, in this hope that we expect to become reality after the March elections. But, sir, you do the opposite. From the very first day the early elections were announced, you have even gone so far as to cynically fabricate baseless accusations against one of the most serious political forces in Albania, the Socialist Party, calling it a communist party and … «…with the election results.» For the sake of truth, you ought to acknowledge the opposite. But you are not interested in the truth that sustains democracy, quantity of paper from charitable organizations, the democrats finally managed to publish the communist daily “Zëri i Popullit” as well. But no explanation was given as to how the paper was obtained. The Democrats say there was enough paper, but the communists are manipulating this issue.» As an Albanian, I am glad that the opposition press is being published on paper that came from an international charitable organization, and I… (Continued on page 3)

Why must the Socialist Party win? KUSTIM HOXHA Chairman of the PS Steering Committee, Përmet. — The Socialist Party must win the March 22 elections because its realistic alternative is the only credible alternative that expresses and defends the interests of the overwhelming majority of the people. PAQËSOR ZENELI Chairman of the PS Steering Committee, Pogradec. — The Socialist Party of Albania must win because it has declared without any reservations the social base, the strata and the interests it genuinely defends, rather than resorting to speculative demagoguery just to seize power. The opposition, whether separately or in a coalition, cunningly avoids doing this. Our people cannot entrust their fate to those who sell out their own aims, to those who are preparing inequality and extreme divisions, to those preparing for revenge. For these and many other arguments that anyone who loves this country even a little could list, the Socialist Party must win. The people will know how to choose...

A few days ago, the PS Economic Commission held a round-table meeting at the headquarters of the SPA Steering Committee. Specialists in economics from government departments, the economics faculty and the grassroots took part, including members and supporters of the PS. The meeting continued for several hours. Fundamental issues concerning the SPA’s economic performance and the preparation of the PS economic model were discussed, as were the question and paths of economic development and other important issues. Discussing the economic model, the specialists emphasized the need for an alternative PS model, one that would take account of the development of the local economy and adapt the market economy to a more European model. The market economy represented by this alternative differs from the opposition’s conception in that they demand that it embody a humane and social platform. In connection with the major problems that have become evident in areas relating to economic reform and the need to consolidate economic infrastructure, the PS states that the issue concerning the other problems in general is for us to emerge from the PS’s good… The PS Economic Commission also discussed other issues related to the recovery and stabilization of the economy, inflation, savings deposits, the organization of NB enterprises, the problem of prices and the annual housing [costs/needs], on which specialists would be able to provide explanations from time to time in the pages of our newspaper. … the NB enterprises, the problem of prices and our newspaper. Correspondent of “The People’s Voice”

They have found the “hook”... to catch votes Have you noticed? Lately quite a few opposition figures, especially those from “allied” parties, have been appearing before the people with interpreters. And some, it seems to me, think people do not understand them, even though they speak Albanian. There must be some reason for this. Because, in truth, it is not the external sound—the words—but their content and meaning that creates communication between people. Well, these opposition figures find it difficult to communicate with the sound judgment of the people. Street pressure and terror are increasingly damaging their “harvest.” In the people’s ears, the face of each party they “represent” and “embellish” for one another is becoming clearer and clearer. That is why they need to speak through interpreters. And what has this fact turned them into? The task of ensuring the necessary support for their activities is left to their [unclear]—their official representatives—and, naturally, after the parties’ rallies there will be one or two interpreters? Who are these people? Employees of some foreign embassies. “Come on, what is this? Can’t one Albanian understand another Albanian? Do foreigners have to tell us whom to vote for? Come, let me tell you why...” That is what people have been heard saying these days. Meanwhile, the opposition figures are grateful to the audience for the “understanding” shown by those serving as interpreters. Street pressure is complemented by the diplomacy of other countries. “If you vote for the opposition, for this or that party of theirs, you will receive aid. Otherwise...” Shamelessness, pure and simple! That is why people, hurt and indignant about what they have experienced in Korçë, Fier, Skrapar, Berat and elsewhere, ask: What is this—has diplomacy changed into a vote-catching machine? Do your governments help particular parties, or the people and our democratic development? Your positions and declarations express neither humanism nor democracy; what is more, they are interference in the internal affairs of a country, of a people—specifically, our country and our people. And while such interpreters “prattle” with a smile, those present at events raise the opposition figures’ spirits in the front rows. They have found the secretary, the “hook” for catching… votes. The whole thing is being orchestrated with active assistance. So much so that, for example, the number-one professor-doctor of the social democrats has even hung the very existence of his party almost entirely on foreign opinions. What Albanians won’t do for a foreign word! But what about him, who does his reckoning with others and not with his own people! ASTRIT ÇIKA

When you are connected to the world and isolated from Albania One contradictory and unwelcome thing can be seen and heard happening in our country. If you need to speak by telephone with a friend or acquaintance, or to travel abroad by air or overland, it is very easy and quick. But if you have a problem, good or bad, with a relative of yours within the homeland, it is very difficult. At the PT offices in Skrapar they no longer make any telephone calls or arrange a direct call for you. They only send telegrams. Even these telegrams take a week to arrive or be delivered. Post offices in villages and rural areas do not work at all. In every case, you hear PT employees say: “This town or that town isn’t working,” while employees are busy meeting requests for calls abroad, because the interest is twofold: the profit is great and bribery flows under the table and over it. And what is happening with the newspapers? It is very, very regrettable. Newspapers arrive in Skrapar as far as Çorovodë. There, whoever can takes as many as possible to sell and make a profit. For about a month and a half last year, not a single newspaper was distributed in Skrapar’s 45 areas; instead, PT and profiteers sold them for their own gain, while people waited in vain for their subscriptions to arrive. The bad thing was that this happened not only last year but this year too: particular employees are paid for this work, yet they do nothing, because it is better to get your salary without working than by working. The buses serving four or five areas do not run at all, because the buses have become private, and people are forced to walk to Çorovodë or travel by animal, as in the old days. It is all right for a strong person to walk, but how are women, children, old men and old women supposed to get around? Many schools have gone days without lessons because teachers from the town have no way to reach their workplaces on foot. How long can this go on...?! BAJRAM HALLALA Staravecë, Skrapar