March 22 has passed. The results of the parliamentary elections are now almost known. The DP is in power, the SP in opposition. What happened to produce this result? Why did it happen this way? What does the SP’s new position mean? These and many other questions are being raised in conversations these days. We selected some of them and put them to the people we interviewed. Question: In your opinion, what was the main reason that swung the March 31 electoral contest in the DP’s favor? Alfred Çausi, student: – “What a provocative question... It was impossible for this not to happen, if not today then tomorrow, given how insistently the DP pursued power, by every means and at any cost. The DP created the conditions everywhere for this outcome. All those burnings, those acts of destruction and threats by certain forces seeking the opposition’s unconditional arrival—or the ‘DP in power.’ There were also many efforts concerning the program and many promises. Add to that the climate of fear created: we were told, a new generation, that there would be bloodshed, as trumpeted by extremists if their party did not win on March 22. That was the setting. This whole electoral farce led many voters to think, ‘Let’s give it a try.’ After this ‘trial,’ when the DP has been tested in power, the SP will be on ‘equal’ terms with it, and voters will judge each party by its governing capacity. We hope this will be the last electoral ‘trial.’ Question: What was the opposition’s indisputable merit during the election campaign? Pellumb Pumo, worker: – It worked hard. Not only at the beginning of the campaign, but from the very first day after the March 31 elections. The SP must take this into account and not tell itself, ‘We have time.’ The opposition worked even by breaking the law. Especially during the campaign: from the participation and involvement of foreign diplomats onward. Naturally, we should not follow this path, but we absolutely must make an effort and work hard with the people. Question: Do you feel that the SP’s electoral result was a defeat? Gerta Simaku, Eurosocialist: – I am a student. This is the first time I have taken part in the electoral competition between political parties, alongside my fellow members of the Eurosocialist Youth Forum. Since I have committed myself to a new alternative, I believe I felt the electoral result too. Honestly, I am not sorry that we have moved into opposition, but I am sorry about the low level of support the SP received. Perhaps this cannot be called a defeat. If it is a merit, this means that we have not yet grown accustomed to—or, more accurately, have not yet learned—the rules of pluralist democracy. We are learning them. This is all the more true for us Eurosocialists, who are at the beginning of our work. Accepting an election defeat calmly is normal, because it reflects the will of the majority; at the same time, however, this moment obliges us to learn lessons, make corrections, work harder, and move forward. That is what matters. The results matter too, and they are not lacking. The fact that the SP’s ranks are growing with new members, the very existence of the forum, the support it is receiving from the public, and the experience we are gaining—are these not results? Is this another ‘defeat’? Question: The SP lost the election. What do you think are some of the reasons? Ndre Legisi, lecturer at UB: – A full analysis is needed; without a thorough analysis, one cannot say much. I will single out two or three things, focusing only on the countryside. First, neither the press nor the people went to meet and explain things to the villagers. Or some delegates went much too late. During the campaign I visited dozens of villages across the country. In the countryside, the SP and its people did not manage to explain clearly the differences between the programs. Both parties claim to represent the interests of the strata, but the SP’s programs do so. The villagers, unprepared for this, went to the ballot box reasoning: ‘Let’s give our vote to the opposition that is asking for it so insistently; let them have a go.’ Second, the countryside was guided only by radio and television, which were in the opposition’s hands. The future will judge those journalists at these institutions who distorted the role of the politically independent journalist and who, even in this pluralist period, remain monists. Third, between the two campaigns, the SP was often characterized by retreat, going beyond the limits of tolerance. This retreat, evident in the Party leadership, was also reflected among socialists in the countryside, who had no reason to retreat or hang their heads. They were the most honest people, working people who had gained nothing from the previous system. There was also the opposition’s unrestrained propaganda, accompanied by psychological pressure and vile contempt toward people. We hope the DP in power will make this a reality at last. Nevertheless, no one supports the slavery that would justify the low percentage of votes the SP received. We suspect this low percentage does not reflect the real will, but is also the result of manipulation and backstage scheming by the opposition during the vote. Question: – How do you understand the SP’s being in opposition? Arjan Shanani, teacher: – As something normal in a pluralist system. We must accept pluralism and be conscious of it; we must also accept its rules. One of the principal rules of pluralism is the existence of two opposites, one of the basic laws of development. Being in opposition does not mean existing merely to do something non-objective; it means helping the government honestly, not in the interests of a party, but in the national interest. The opposition must support this, though in many cases it has hindered it. Being in opposition does not mean the SP withdrawing from political competition. There must be no demoralization among its electorate. Opposition is a position that can give new impetus to the Party’s internal development, which, in my opinion, will help not only the Party to reach a new stage of development and reform, but also bring about a fuller and more advanced commitment by the Party and by all democratic processes in our society.” Interviewed by: FRANO ÇAKA

- Around 100 people joined the PSSH on the eve of the vote - Should we despair? Should we be shaken? Should we tell ourselves that we are out of the game? By no means. Instead, let us submit ourselves to reason, learn the lessons of defeat, and accept pluralism with all its rules. The Socialist Party was not born in a single day, nor for a single election campaign. We were not born for permanent power; we were not born to win a few seats. We were born for a great alternative. It is serious, and our ideas are great. While in opposition, we will know how to bring these ideas to the masses who turned away from us because, at a crucial moment in this great process, we ourselves did not know how to stand by them. We will continue working even harder than before, because in doing so we serve not ourselves but true democracy and the nation. Surely that large and important electorate, which we deserve and which today turned away without being fully aware, will come back to us. No! There is no room for despair or shock. Albania truly stands before a long road, and we must turn that road into a boulevard by placing the flag of Albania above the Party flag. The Party organization in Korçë will rise to its feet again, stronger than ever. Tomorrow it will be stronger. Those who have to be corrected, the cowards, and those who play games with the Party card have no reason to stay. The committed, left-wing, true democrats will naturally come to us. The fact that around 100 new members joined on the eve of the elections is highly significant. It is also significant that these days the Eurosocialists have gathered the courage that gives them a future. KOSTAQI DUKA Chairman of the KD of the PSSH in the Korçë district

The March 22 elections expressed the people’s will regarding the political forces throughout Albania. The truth is that the Socialist Party entered this battle confident of victory, but also afraid of losing. I mean that we were prepared both to win and to move into opposition. Ultimately, this is how the game of pluralist democracy works. Moving into opposition is now a reality, just as the DP’s move into government is a reality. Both of these main political forces in our country face difficult historical tests. At least, this is how I understand the outcome of March 22. For this reason, the socialists of the Pogradec district, in town and countryside alike, feel responsibility for it and for the days ahead more than they feel the loss. Our concern at this moment is to overcome our emotions about the defeat courageously, keep our composure, and prevail over the confusion and pessimistic outlook that other, non-socialist political forces will try to ‘plant’ in us. We can do this quickly, and of course we will, because the Socialist Party is made up of people with sacred ideals, not people who know no ideals at all. The Socialist Party is filled with people who are not afraid, because they oppose those who sow fear and ‘feed on it themselves.’ They stand for ‘the truth,’ because they fight deception. The Socialist Party is the party of honesty, not elbowing others aside. To me, this is the essence of the socialists, who, by learning from our shortcomings, will be able to strengthen themselves for the new battle, because we have great confidence in the victory of the alternative in the future. PAGJONI ZENELI Deputy Chairman of the Socialist Party Steering Committee, Pogradec

Right-wing or neoconservative parties today artificially, and solely in order to gain power, try to claim as their social base those strata that the market economy compels to support left-wing parties. Just as the wealthy cannot be the social base of Europe’s left-wing parties, the underprivileged strata cannot serve as the social base of right-wing or neoconservative parties. Why? Because neoconservative parties tend to polarize society at its two extremes—creating and expanding the class of wealthy owners while increasing the ranks of the poor—whereas left-wing parties seek to develop the middle class and bring about the minimization of the two “poles.” This sound policy has been pursued and is being implemented by socialists and social democrats in Sweden, France, Italy, Greece, Austria, Germany, Spain, and elsewhere. At present we do not have such social strata in our country: wealthy, middle-income, and small owners, as well as the poor. Perhaps monism flattened the economy and created an absurd egalitarianism; everyone became poor. But as the free-market economic reform unfolds, other social strata will also develop in the future. Then it will become clear to the parties themselves which strata constitute their social base, and which strata have their true representatives. In this period of transition in our country, there is almost no stratification of any kind. There are different periods, and as the strata develop, their true representatives will also become clear. In every society, parties represent the strata to which they belong. We will see this when new social strata develop; in a society where there is almost no stratification, there are different periods, and as the strata develop, their true representatives will become clear. But what will these strata be? The poorer and middle-income people and workers, who do not fit into any of their policies; all those in the market who come to possess great wealth; those who will try to use only the portion of income that is meager; those who have up to ...

the overwhelming majority of workers, who will not be able to become economically privileged strata. Second, the numerical majority of the peasantry will remain an underprivileged stratum, unable to resolve its economic and social problems and, willingly or unwillingly, drawn into an objective conflict with the large owners. The development and deepening of market-economy reform will lead the largest sections of the working class and peasantry to understand and serve as the broad social base of the left, moving away from the neoconservative right, which in essence will defend the interests of large-scale property owners, whose numbers, in any case, cannot become large. If today the free and independent trade unions rightly demand an end to unemployment and poverty, as the market economy develops they will demand and unite against large-scale ownership and will naturally become a social stratum of the left. A large part of the intelligentsia will naturally join these broad social strata; they will not be able to become wealthy and will naturally be more interested in and connected with the middle class. This intelligentsia will draw after it the majority of young men and women students, who will lack support and will not have the backing of large owners. The European left-wing parties rely precisely on these middle social strata, which could naturally choose other alternatives only if they were alternatives other than democratic and European socialism, which guarantees freedom of conscience, economic freedom, and freedom ... (Continued on page 2)

One of the distinctive features of the Socialist Party organization in the Gramsh district during the six-month electoral campaign has been the addition of new members who see their interests expressed in the socialist alternative. Contacts between elected representatives and activists and the people, as well as the realistic spirit with which they presented the PSSH program and vision for the transition period and the future, contributed to this. During the review of the Party organization in the village of Qerret, the SP’s documents had not been renewed for six years. As a result, this organization was temporarily dissolved. The Steering Committee staff worked in small groups, making it clear that the village both needs and will continue to need a Party organization of the SP to defend the underprivileged strata. In recent days, a new organization was established with 14 members, an average age of 31, and no hang-ups about the past. Immediately after the meeting with the SP parliamentary candidate in Porocan, two new members joined from among education professionals. Four new members have also joined the Party organization in Lubinjë. In ... (Continued on page 2)

Over a period of about two years, the Democratic Party was given assistance amounting to $400,000. Statement by the American Republican Institute, which observed the March 22 elections. First, we would like to thank the political parties and the Albanian people for the hospitality they showed our delegation. Our delegation was made up of senior-level members. The Institute’s Central Elections spokesperson and the official delegation of election observers from the American Republican Institute. Our delegation began arriving in Tirana several weeks ago in order to carry out two pre-election missions and understand the atmosphere of the election campaign. The information we gathered during these two missions provided us with extensive information on which I based our report. Over the past five days, our delegation traveled throughout the country, holding numerous meetings with political parties, election officials, and members of the Provisional Pluralist Executive Committees in the districts. On election day, the IRA delegation split into seven groups and observed that day’s activities at 99 polling stations in 47 constituencies, from the Greek border to areas near the southeast. Reports collected from across the country were brought together to provide a clear picture of the overall situation throughout the territory. This year the IRA delegation also observed the parliamentary elections, in order to provide a number of clear findings on ... (Continued on page 4)

The result of the March 22 elections placed the Socialist Party in a completely new situation. We are now in opposition. The first task of the members and supporters of the Socialist Party is to become naturally accustomed to being in opposition. At a recent activity of the Socialist Party in the capital, it was decided that all the Party’s grassroots organizations should mobilize and calmly and responsibly analyze the reasons for the defeat, and make concrete suggestions about what should be done for the Socialist Party to become a dynamic, combative, wise opposition, capable of mounting a real and constructive opposition. The test we went through, the defeat we suffered, helps us to understand ourselves better—to recognize the strengths and weaknesses of our members and supporters and of our work. On the basis of this understanding and the historical test we have undergone, qualitative changes must be made at every level of the Socialist Party leadership: in its structure and in its methods of operation. In this way, we believe, qualitative changes will take place in the Socialist Party, making it a party with a clearer present and future. In practice, this is how we will try to turn the defeat we suffered into an advantage for us. The most serious concern we raised with Socialist Party members and supporters in Tirana that day was this: ‘What must be done to prevent the Party from being harmed by those in power?’ Socialist Party members will receive support through every democratic means against any kind of mistreatment they may face solely because of their beliefs. The Socialist Party will be determined to alert public opinion inside and outside the country if any of its members are subjected to pressure because of their political beliefs. Meanwhile, we will be a constructive opposition that will not take to the streets and will not act against the Democratic Party, as though we were the ones in power responsible for March 31. The SP will stand alongside every measure that serves the interests of the people and the future, while sharply denouncing, by democratic means and methods, any actions by those in power that run counter to the advancement of democracy or the national interests of the country. MUSA ULTQINI Deputy Chairman of the Socialist Party Steering Committee of the city of Tirana

The socialist alternative survives in people’s aspirations as a hope and guarantee for a just and humane society; it survives as the expression of the interests of society’s underprivileged strata. It survives in the political, social, and economic program of an organized force with a future, such as the Socialist Party.

- POST-ELECTION OPINIONS -