The debate on the government’s program

1. We are opposed to the immediate liberalization of the prices of basic-basket goods, because they are unaffordable for thousands of poor working-class, peasant, and intellectual families. This should be done in step with an increase in supply from domestic production. 2. We are opposed to changes to the land law of the kind that provide for the current redistribution of land and compensation for its former owners, especially since the program itself contains contradictions on this issue; in other words, it does not resolve the property disputes that have arisen. 3. We do not support a drastic expansion of unemployment, while assistance will also be limited by available financial resources and the alternatives for new jobs are unclear. 4. We are opposed to assessing the current workforce on the basis of party criteria, when professional tests should prevail. 5. We are not convinced by the program’s lack of specificity, since it gives no deadlines for implementing the DP’s election promises. Thus, in the program presented, we do not see all the guarantees needed to get the country out of the crisis and to implement economic reform successfully. 6. We agree with the program’s other sections and positions. We will support every positive and constructive step by the government in solving the major problems it faces, and on this basis we will assess its work. We wish the Government success in its work!

— The speech by deputy Leonçe Çuçi, interrupted by the Speaker of the People’s Assembly, Mr. «jetar Arbnori — The program that the new Government is presenting to parliament today for a vote of confidence is of particular importance, especially given the difficult socio-economic conditions in which the country finds itself. As such, this program claims to take on a very heavy burden. It aims to challenge this reality and bring about the stabilization, and then the economic and social flourishing, of Albania. Its ambition is justified. It contains the main lines of the theory and practice of transition from a centralized economy to a market economy, with the aim of carrying out these transformations while keeping closer to our own realities. Assessing this program through its basic elements—privatization and decentralization, or economic liberalization—I believe that each of them gives rise to the conviction that an alternative is being presented for the transition to today’s market economy. From this standpoint, the program cannot be opposed in principle, since no political or social force in Albania aspires to any other alternative. Nevertheless, I believe that those currently in power would be more interested in constructive comments and positions. In this regard, I would like to focus on several issues and express my views on the alternative the program proposes for the transition to a market economy. Taken as a whole, the program looks like an outline of an idea, in which theses have been put forward or elements of reform identified, and these are described more in terms of theoretical solutions than of concrete implementation. This has made the program general, somewhat academic, and full of theoretical nuances. Such an approach has also allowed its authors to avoid a sufficiently transparent presentation. The acute problems—such as employment, the rise in prices and wages, the policy on subsidies, aid and loans to be secured from abroad, etc.—are glossed over and passed by without being tackled “head-on.” The people have been filled with great hopes and are asking for, and waiting for, more concrete solutions. Why is no answer given as to how the 80 percent will be eliminated, or how the raw materials, machinery, and equipment that will provide work for workers and peasants will be secured? Strict wage policies are discussed, but it is not said what will be done about wage increases. During 1991, compared with December 1990, prices rose by 104 percent, while during the first three months of this year, compared with the same period in 1990, they rose by 184 percent, while wages have risen by 50–70 percent. Does a strict policy mean freezing wages or increasing them only very slightly compared with the sharp rise in prices? Would it not be fairer to tell the people clearly that wages will not be indexed to rise with prices, or that they will be indexed by 10, 20, or 30 percent in relation to price increases? According to the program, a strict wage policy presupposes a fall in real wages and a decline in real incomes. Would it not be more honest to tell people that for a period of time we will have to endure even greater hardship, and therefore greater poverty? The issue of prices is treated in the same way. Almost complete liberalization of prices is envisaged, and it is implied that the prices of “basic-basket” food items will also be liberalized—that is, the prices of bread, sugar, rice, oil, butter, cheese, etc. I myself am not opposed in principle to price liberalization, but I believe that the conditions needed to undertake an initiative on this scale have not been created here. Almost complete price liberalization is the result of a combination of factors. It depends on the level of privatization, the extent of domestic and foreign competition, the existence of producer monopolies, the dynamism of production’s organizational structures, the level of technological development, etc. Price is the culmination of these factors, and prices cannot be liberalized unless these factors themselves are liberalized and competitive. Since privatization here is still in its embryonic or infant stage, domestic competition has emerged (Continued on page 2)

Mihal Korraqe received the guests at the door. They were from the Democratic Party, and the election campaign was at a decisive point. The visitors sat down on chairs and sofas. They exchanged cigarettes. “Mr. Mihal, here in Çiflik you are one of the best people.” “And you are honest, too.” “You have a good reputation and a well-mannered family.” “Your parents were poor.” “Your word carries a lot of weight in the village.” Mihal called his wife to lay out a feast for the guests. There was a moment of silence. “So...” one of the guests picked up the thread of the conversation. “That’s why we’ve come: so that with your vote—” Mihal Korraqe saw that the first appetizers were arriving and the table was almost set. “We’d like you to vote for us.” He looked at them calmly. “Listen, gentlemen, you have come and honored my home. I, Mihal Korraqe, will vote for—” “But I’m still Mihal, the good one, the honest one, with a good reputation and well-mannered children. Why didn’t you like either my words or my bread?” But they were leaving. What happened was the invention of that woman herself. It did not come from any party office. It is simply one of the most devilish lies of a dark soul. But it is better to hear what she said to a young woman sympathetic to the Socialists, whom she happened to meet in the street on Saturday, 4 April. “We feel close to each other; we want what’s best for one another. At first we asked about each other’s health, then about our parents and, as usual, the children. My little girl has been ill for some time, with only a thin thread of hope of recovering. And as we were saying goodbye, she suddenly said to me: ‘May your daughter die if you don’t vote for the DP!’ My ears were ringing, and I heard it repeated again and again... By then she had already left, and I stood there, stunned. I don’t know how I made it home. What was I to do at home, through the night? She— - That is why we have come, so that with your vote... Mihal Korrage was almost set. - We want - Mihal Korrage, will vote for the Socialist Party. They looked each other in the eye. Someone lowered his head. In the silence, the first one stood up, then the second. - Please, insisted the host. - I have laid out the meal. By then, they were at the door. vote... Mihal Korrage was almost set. - We want - - Please, insisted the host. - at the door. YLLI POLOVINA

When, years ago, a comrade raised at a meeting of the grassroots organization the point that the 100 lek they give us as veterans is not even enough for one pack of «DS» cigarettes a day, I did not speak to him for a long time. That is how we had been accustomed and taught not to speak and not to ask—

- Speech by Deputy Ramik Dokle - Dear colleagues, At last, the time has come to prepare the economic phase of the comprehensive transformations taking place in Albania. We still cannot say that the political phase is over, therefore the economic [phase] of our people in this broad movement. As someone put it, the tearing down of the Berlin Wall was the route taken by East Berlin consumers to the shops of West Berlin—

Among the forum branches At a consultation of Eurosocialists: “We will not give priority to the political aspect. Now we need to work to fill that spiritual void that we all feel.” Eurosocialists. Young people, particular interests, across generations. They are entering everyday life with concrete actions, with the results of their work. There is something special about the forum branches, especially now after March 22. The PS, too, is seeking rhythms in this forum: rhythms of renewal and modernization within the PS, rhythms of consolidation within FRES. It is said that this is a misguided effort, but in the forum many signs these days are energetic, purposeful; at least there is debate, imagination, ideas and projects, often important ones. A consultation of secondary schools in Tirana is taking place (these days). The aim is to raise the forum to a new, more advanced level, closer to the difficult actions of the times. Now the forum cannot operate in the same mass-based way. Some work has been done to group young people according to their aesthetic, cultural and spiritual interests. The [?] beginning of the creation has been made, the composition structured. Or is this not a transition period, possible only up to the point we have reached? Or perhaps there is a great lack of study and researchers on young people’s problems. Now that young people’s contacts with the world are being established, this process too is strengthening. ... the forum is rising to the level of an organization that can meet the needs of this age group in every field. So that they can move beyond endless, empty chatter, and ensure for themselves a comprehensive knowledge of contemporary, modern ideas, as a first step toward being “accepted” in Europe. On other occasions too, especially among Eurosocialists in secondary schools, a complex problem has been raised, troubling them, their parents and everyone. Strangely, those who impose themselves on Eurosocialists through undemocratic logic and actions are not their peers with opposing views, with whom “they engage in dialogue,” but some teachers who oppose them with monist impositions, wielding the authority of the teacher-god. This is precisely because of the opposing political views held by these young people. And this opposition is not simply a retort, but often involves insults, imposition, diktat through grades and punishment, publicly—a constant persecution of young people by monist acts themselves. A reality of many years. This cannot be dismissed as an insignificant matter; it is a cause for concern. That is why the problem of how to overcome it has been raised, and continues to be raised, in analyses. “A few more months will pass, Durrës. Even the politicized teachers, or those formed and equipped with monist complexes, who do not accept political opponents according to their convictions—so even these thunderers will be left ‘with their feet on the ground,’” someone said at the consultation. After this, another fact: the setting up of a [group?] of students at the “Qibrie Çupi” school. “I came as a sympathizer,” he says. “I found out about this by chance... People like me, with Eurosocialist views, have many friends; there are also...” [illegible] ... the forum participants; this should have been given greater importance, he concludes. The same thing happened with another student at the economics school. It also brought everyone together as friends. There are other schools or sectors where the forum has still not spread, requiring a higher degree of coordination. It has always been presented that democracy entails numerous democratic means and methods for defending free thought, and for developing, under conditions of full democracy, the alternative of democratic socialism. It is therefore right that the press, too, should strive to defend this free thought. Another significant fact as well. It was discussed that the First Congress of the Eurosocialists should be held a few weeks before the PS Congress. Before the PS meeting, so that they could receive instructions, but before it, so that after the PS Congress they could receive instructions—but before it, so that it would be meaningful, encourage and contribute to constructive growth and rapid steps toward consolidation within the Socialist Party as well. Young people are feeling that there is a lot of work to do. Tirana, April 20, 1992. people, particular interests, from one age group to another. They are entering everyday life through concrete actions, through the forum’s branches, especially now after March 22. The PS forum, too, is calling for a pace of renewal and modernization within PS, and a pace of consolidation within FRES. The effort is misguided, but many signs in the forum these days are energetic and purposeful; at least there is debate, imagination, and project ideas, is being held (today). more advanced level, closer to practical, immediate, difficult issues of the times. Now the forum cannot operate in such a initial creation has been made, the structure put in place. Or is this not a possible period of transition, as far as we have managed to go? Or could it be that there is a great lack of study and of researchers into world are being established, this process is also being strengthened. These are everyday topics... [partly illegible] As it is being done... [partly illegible]

Dear colleagues, At last, the time has come to take responsibility for over; nevertheless, the conditions have been created for further progress in the spirit of a sound, realistic and honest political outlook. The Socialist Party accepts this competition as the principal opposition force. But now, before Albanian society and the government assuming executive responsibility in a democracy, two major economic aspects stand out: First, even if the political storm and its great momentum arose in the spirit of the cry for freedom and democracy, no one can ignore, in Albania as throughout the countries of the East, the considerable weight that our people’s economic poverty carried in this broad movement. As someone put it, the destruction Berlin consumers to the shops of West Berlin. Second, the political revolution may not be easier, but it can certainly be accomplished more quickly than the economic revolution. A dictator can be overthrown in a few days, but a planned economy cannot be replaced by a market economy in a few days. But let us not forget that the popular verdict of March 22 depended to a considerable extent on the grand promises. It was declared everywhere and solemnly: “The DP will win because it keeps...” (Continued on page 2)

Yesterday afternoon, the People’s Assembly met in plenary session and adopted its [agenda?]. Its Speaker, Mr. Pjetër Arbnori, informed the deputies that the draft laws “On the Banking System” and “On the Bank of Albania” were being taken up for consideration. He stressed that these draft laws should also be discussed extensively by the relevant committees of the parliamentary groups, which should communicate their comments to the deputies. After this, various deputies expressed their views on the agenda, making objections about being informed in advance of the issues to be discussed, and argued for consideration of several other draft laws as well, such as those on opening the files and appointing the jury of this legislature for land, etc. The Speaker of the People’s Assembly, Pjetër Arbnori, after noting that the objections raised were justified, announced a meeting of the relevant committees on the draft laws that would be presented to the People’s Assembly today before noon, at 10:00.

On 22 April, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Federal Republic of Germany, Hans Dietrich Gensher, will pay an official and friendly visit to our country. (ATSH)

As a result of negligence and inadequate measures to secure facilities, on 18.4.1992, at around 23:00, it was discovered that the depot of a subunit of the Ground Forces Military Academy had been broken into. The investigative team immediately went to the scene. An investigation established that, after the facility had been broken into, 12 automatic rifles and 24 magazines for automatic rifles had been stolen. For negligence in the performance of his duties, the company commander, Muharrem Vrapi, was suspended from his post, and the students Fatbardh Çela, Besim Çela, Arben Myftari, and Arben Janaqi were detained. The case is under investigation. Dole Drimoi

You made an objection to the appointment of Mr. Safet Zhulali as Minister of Defence. He replied to you. What do you think of his reply? - In this connection, I did not exercise my right to reply. But during the session I immediately sent a note to the Speaker of the People’s Assembly, Mr. Pjetër Arbnori, with the following text: “Dear Speaker, when I mentioned Mr. Safet Zhulali, I had the Minister Zhulali in mind, not Deputy Zhulali. Nevertheless, you were right to allow him to reply to me, because his reply convinced me that he is capable of being Minister of Defence, since he quoted a marshal or an emperor. Respectfully, N. Dokle.” All the more so because it was a quotation that, through the words of a marshal, threatened deputies into silence... Today, quotations; but what about tomorrow...?

The Ministry of Agriculture, on behalf of the Albanian Government, and the International Fertilizer Development Center (IFDC), funded by the United States Agency for International Development, wish to announce the holding of an auction in Durrës and Vlorë for two shipments (one) of chemical fertilizer. Urea will be sold in lots of 50 tons. The urea arriving on the first ship will be unloaded in the following quantities and ports: Durrës port — 8,000 tons Vlorë — 1,600 tons Sarandë — 400 tons In Durrës, the urea auction will begin on April 24, 1992. The auction in Durrës will be held daily, except Sundays, at AGRO-IMPORT. Bids will be submitted from 08:00 to 12:00. Bids will be announced beginning after 12:00. The schedule of fertilizer quantities to be auctioned is 1,500 tons on April 24 and 25 and 1,000 tons on April 27, 28, 29, 30 and May 1. The urea to be distributed in Vlorë and Sarandë will be auctioned in Vlorë beginning April 27. The auction in Vlorë will continue on the following six days at the Vlorë Economic Information Center. Bids will be submitted from 08:00 to 12:00. Publication will begin after 12:00. The schedule of total quantities is: 400 tons for Vlorë and 200 tons for Sarandë on April 27 and 28; for the city of Vlorë, a further 200 tons on April 29 and 30 and May 1 and 2. The auction document will be available starting April 20, 1992, at the IFDC offices at the Institute of Soil Studies in Tirana, at the Agricultural Development Bank in Tirana and in the districts of Durrës, Vlorë, Sarandë, Korçë, Elbasan, Lushnjë, Shkodër, Fier, Berat, Kavajë, Krujë and Lezhë.