It is not merely a point in the government programme, but a problem that concerns our entire society. It is, as people often say: “a stone around the economy’s neck.” Its removal is therefore welcome. Achieving this objective would be a sign that economic reform has begun. But how can this be achieved? 80 PER CENT: A “STONE” AROUND THE ECONOMY’S NECK - How can we “free ourselves” from it? - It is not merely a point in the government programme, but a problem that concerns our entire society. It is, as people often say, “a stone around the economy’s neck.” Its removal is therefore welcome. Achieving this objective would be a sign that economic reform has begun. But how can this be achieved? Cause and effect Many say that the 80 per cent scheme is the main cause of this grave economic situation. In fact, initially the opposite was true. In 1990, only about 20,000 people were identified in total, with a wage fund of several tens of millions of lekë. But during 1991, which represented the transition phase, it grew to enormous proportions; from a protective instrument it turned into a way of life. During the past year, 114,000 workers were paid at 80 per cent (this is the official figure, but in reality it may be higher), at a cost of over 1 billion lekë. Unfortunately, in our country this phase was accompanied by destruction, arson, misappropriation, exoduses, a complete interruption of the supply of material resources through imports, etc. The structures of the planned economy were dismantled but have not been replaced by those of a market economy. Old and new laws still “coexist,” and as a result the “gears” of the economy do not mesh. In this chaos, indiscipline, pressure for higher wages without working, and the liberalization of managers may have been among the lesser “faults.” On the other hand, although the article provides for it, I imagine no one has applied the provision that, for the same reasons as the workers, managerial, economic and engineering-technical staff should also be paid at 80 per cent. Thus, the two sides of the coin were not viewed equally; as a result, administrators were placed in comfortable positions and were not sufficiently motivated to get work started, even where minimum conditions had been secured. As everyone has said, this situation must not continue any longer in this way. Given the endless chain of cause and effect, and the fact that a market economy is being built, solutions must therefore be found. Legal solutions The foundations of social, economic and political life begin with laws. The problem therefore first requires a solution based on sound legal foundations. And whenever we mention laws, it would be good to ask: how has the rest of the world solved this problem? Otherwise, might “original” Albanian solutions run into contradictions of this kind? From what we have been able to observe, it appears that a range of protective measures are provided for workers’ and employees’ rights in the field of labour relations, and that these are binding on both state-owned and private enterprises. As part of its social programme, the Commission of the European Community has adopted 47 directives which, in addition to the above, also address matters such as the prohibition of night work, granting all rights to temporary workers, and requiring company managers to consult workers in advance before making important decisions, such as closing factories, etc. Strict sanctions are also provided for violations by either side: managers or workers. (Indeed, this may be one of the reasons why in Europe and beyond— (Continued on page 2)

As part of the expansion of relations with the PASOK party, a delegation from the leading committee of the PS in the Saranda district held a meeting a few days ago with representatives of PASOK in the city of Corfu. At this cordial meeting, the first secretary of PASOK for Corfu, Andrea Lanjaj, and the chair of the leading committee of the PS in Saranda, Astrit Llanaj, along with the other deputies who took part, exchanged views and accounts of the work these two parties are doing as opposition parties. The PASOK representatives spoke with openness and considerable goodwill. In response to this visit, Messrs Jorgo Kaluhli, PASOK secretary for Corfu, and Jorgo Zhupa, a well-known activist of this party, came to the city of Saranda on Tuesday. At this meeting, too, a warm and fraternal message was conveyed between these two political forces, and views were exchanged on deepening and expanding contacts. Correspondent of “Zëri i popullit”

A REMINDER ON THE EVE OF 5 MAY The martyrs have been the national conscience, pride and dignity of the nation. Today, more than ever, we need to remember them, because by remembering them we show the world and Europe that we are a freedom-loving, proud and cultured people. Unfortunately, however, many events of recent days show that something is not “working” properly. Every day we hear more and more about protests by war veterans over destroyed monuments and commemorative plaques being torn down and smashed. It is a misfortune that we are unable to protect those symbols that are an integral part of our history and national conscience. But if, when speaking of monuments and commemorative plaques, I use the word “misfortune” because we cannot protect them, then when it comes to a martyrs’ museum that has been ransacked and destroyed, and is located in a city with a culture dating back to antiquity, we are dealing with a great shame. I mean the martyrs’ museum in the city of Durrës. Years ago it was one of the most visited places, including by tourists who thereby expressed their sympathy and respect for the history of our Second World War. And today? Alas. You do not need to go inside to judge it, because you can reach a conclusion at a glance just by looking from outside. The main gate to the garden that once stood there no longer exists, and neither do the side railings around it, which apparently have been used as building materials for garages. I cannot speak of the garden as it once was, since that would seem like an excessive and unnecessary luxury. But the museum must also be seen from inside. One must see the traces left behind, the marble slabs that have been removed, and the damaged photographs. There is no lighting at all. Everything is dirty, etc. Should we not cry out loudly: Stop! Stop, wretched people, these malicious acts. The martyrs of the War... (Continued on page 2)

- Discussion on behalf of the Socialist parliamentary group, delivered by MP Anastas Angjeli - REFORM: the only alternative for development The bank’s vital scope - Discussion on behalf of the Socialist parliamentary group, delivered by MP Anastas Angjeli - The Socialist Party Parliamentary Group, voicing here the concerns of the rural population, individual farmers and those newly organized into associations, calls for the status of the Agricultural Bank to be preserved. The proposal in this draft law to repeal the law on the Agricultural Bank has farmers concerned that they will be placed in competition on an equal footing with city residents, which is neither possible, fair nor economically sound. Under these circumstances, as an alternative solution to this issue, we believe either that the existing law on the Agricultural Bank, approved only recently, should not be repealed, or that a separate article in this draft law should define its operating status, particularly with regard to agricultural credit. The fate of economic reform in Albania, now accepted by all political forces, also depended on whether this reform would be left to spontaneity or placed on a lawful path of practical implementation. This is why the draft law is being presented... billion lekë, external debt of around 503 million dollars, and the fact that from 1 January 1991 to 31 March 1992, 2.3 times more money was put into circulation than the total amount issued from 1945 to 1990. And why not also mention the budget deficit, which stands at 6.5 billion lekë, as well as another action (for which perhaps only the intention may have been good), such as the recent conversion into lekë of the accounts of certain private clients at a favourable exchange rate, involving around 400,000 dollars, when that money could have been used to solve other problems facing the people. Meanwhile, the proposed solution to the debt issue, described in the explanatory report as the creation of a Debt Agency, is merely a necessary technical solution, but ultimately it is a transfer from one pocket to another. It is still, and will remain, Albania’s domestic and foreign debt—the debt of this people, who will be asked to pay it. Fourth, in accordance with the objective of removing the state from the economy, this law will also ensure the bank’s necessary independence from the state, and its increased independence from parliament, which also means a certain transfer of responsibility from all political forces, also depends on whether this reform will be initiated spontaneously or placed on its proper legal path and put into genuine practical effect. This is why the draft law submitted for consideration and approval is of particular importance for the fate of the reform; indeed, I would not hesitate to say that it is the “Achilles’ heel” of this reform. Why is the consideration and approval of this law essential? First: it is a means of untangling the economic chain, now changed at every link; otherwise, the reform would remain blocked. Second: approval of the draft law on the Bank of Albania makes it possible to achieve one of the reform’s major objectives: the separation of the state from the economy, which is expected to take place. Third: it will no longer allow the Bank to become complicit in anti-reform demands and in actions which, instead of helping to curb the crisis, have contributed to making it worse. It is enough to recall that, alongside other objective factors, the absence of such a law allowed our banking authorities, through their actions, to become complicit in the debt of around 9 billion lekë owed to the bank by enterprises and former agricultural cooperatives, and in unreturned loans amounting to 4.6 … a transfer from one pocket to another. For that is, and will be, will be asked to pay it. Fourth, in keeping with the objective of separating the bank’s necessary independence from the state and its accountability to parliament. This also means a certain transfer of responsibility from the government and the bank to Parliament on such crucial matters as putting money into circulation, wage demands, etc. Finally, it will pave the way for cooperation with international banking institutions, which is so necessary for our economy today. The parliamentary group of the Socialist Party has studied the draft law on the Bank of Albania and the Banking System in Albania, which will be discussed later, with the necessary concern and care. Through its representatives on the Economic, Finance and Social Assistance Committee, it has expressed its general considerations and, in particular, its views on the articles of the draft law on the Bank of Albania that we are discussing today. In general, it has reached agreement with representatives of the other parliamentary groups and the Bank’s specialists, and the opinions and comments submitted have been taken into consideration. The suggestions of the PS parliamentary group concerning (Continued on page 3)

DIFFICULT TRANSITION Plundering the people’s sweat Will the people get back what was taken from them? We do not know whether there is any basis for the theory of an economy at zero. Perhaps it does not exist at all, but was given this name to justify the acts of vandalism during that year-long period when the law remained an illusion. Perhaps the author remained anonymous and watched the devastation caused by his work like Nero. We believe that some of the victims of the former regime (we say some, since most of them stood firm as true patriots) became debtors to today’s society through many of their actions during this year of chaos. But let us excuse them for a moment. The real evil lies further on: others also took advantage of the anarchy, people to whom the past owes nothing—not to mention that many of them had been among the privileged. Did everything fall to zero? No. The agricultural cooperatives were disbanded. That was also what the people wanted. The evil continued with their destruction. In the name of the struggle against communism, whoever could, stole. The owners of the land on which warehouses, stables, offices, even bakeries and kindergartens had been built took even the last foundation stone. Yet the materials there had been brought together through everyone’s sweat. This was done on the pretext that “they were built on my land,” as if the other owners had taken their land to the moon for 40 years. Among the most “capable” are also prominent cooperative and council chairmen, brigade leaders, them-

Social balance: The completeness of government programs and their effectiveness are judged to no small extent by how well all economic and political factors are harmonized with social and humane aims. In this respect, I think the current government’s program will also be judged, indeed even more so in its humane dimensions, precisely because every person experiences all the political and economic changes that are unfolding. After the events of December 90 and the establishment of pluralism, Albania is facing a series of problems and difficulties which, unfortunately, have created serious situations. People are confronting a new reality, with anxieties and disillusionments previously unknown. In particular, the euphoria and desire for rapid changes in living standards and the rush toward Europe are gradually being replaced by the trap of being unable to secure the means for a normal life. This has created outbursts of insecurity among many people, with negative psychological effects. It is enough to see how a large number of them cannot afford bread or other food expenses—or is it perhaps only because of … [unreadable part] … compare this with a person whose pockets are full of money, amid inflation, who rushes around shops with foreign goods of dubious quality, but cannot buy them, even though they are necessities. This situation will apparently become even worse. A guarantee of this is the continued application of shock therapies, which feature in the government’s program but are not called by their true name, so as not to revive the bitter memories of last year. Nevertheless, everyone understands that, even without the term, it is still the same strategy and the same objectives, identical to those dictated by international financial institutions and implemented in the 60s and 70s in the countries of Latin America, and now, in the 90s, with only a few changes, in some countries of Eastern Europe. The application of the principles and mechanisms of the free market, and of open-door practices, as the program claims, will enable a certain social stratum, certainly a limited one, to become wealthy more quickly by taking the fast routes and making maximum use of them, beginning with the latent stages of … [unclear] … through bankers and banks. … [text missing/cut off] today, our system of governance, finance, control, customs, corruption among certain segments of the state administrative apparatus, etc. As a result, the gap will widen between a mass of people who may now be called millionaires and hundreds of thousands of working people—farmers, civil servants, scientists—whose main road, at least for the first 2–3 years, until the promised changes are felt, will range from 10 to 40 dollars. In the government program presented earlier by Mr. Meksi, the figure of 114,000 people is mentioned; they are paid the familiar 80 percent, a communist-era measure which continues to be a noose around the economy’s neck and, undoubtedly, also a safety valve for releasing social tensions during this difficult period. Abolishing the 80 percent payment, as a drastic and necessary measure by the government to restore the health of the economy, will surely raise the number of unemployed into the tens of thousands. But when the privatization process, together with the bankruptcy of industrial enterprises, passes from a latent phase to a crescendo, how high will the number of unemployed reach, calculated over the years and across the entire legislature? How much will unemployment assistance amount to, and what will it provide for the unemployed person and his children, when the prices of essential consumer goods are liberalized tomorrow? The program contains no figures for this, and it seems the calculations will be made along the way, with the attitude, “we’ll see what happens.” As can be seen, strongly averse to percentages that are carefully concealed and to comparisons with 1938 or 1960, the new government officials do not consider it reasonable to burden the program with figures. This has made it the most prosaic program ever presented in this chamber. The program speaks openly about the catastrophic state of the economy, and the ordinary person is advised to be patient and stoic in order to endure the difficult transition. And it is not difficult for the ordinary person to distinguish the change in the program’s coloring from pink to black, from the Democratic Party’s election program to that of the government that emerged from it, within a 2–3-month interval. An illustration of this is the … [unreadable part] on social support, among the most obscure sections of the program. And it could hardly be otherwise. Its authors found it easier to find (Continued on page 3)

The government official facing the politician The night before last, we heard Mr. Blerim Çela on television seriously undertaking to carry out an inspection “as the people want.” Let those “scoundrels” (the slang is his) find somewhere to hide. Fine, if the law is equal to “the people,” and as long as the “scoundrels” continue not to be part of it. But one question nags at the “golden” ear, so resonant to people today. Well then, good luck! I said. But wait! The 270 tons of gold that Mr. Çela had declared in parliament were disappearing, as in those dreams of … [unclear]. They shrank and dwindled, by no less than a factor of ten. They dwindled to 27 tons. The reason? The heads of the departments of internal affairs had apparently reported inflated figures in order to collect decorations. Blerimi, at the time, absolutely did not know this, but learned it from the Minister of the Interior. I revised my hopes downward tenfold. That is the entirely innocent guess of Mr. Çela. I believe it by virtue of the momentum of the first claim. That is what politicians say when they come to power: they revise their hopes. Mr. Blerim needed a horse on loan … to cross the great river of promises. Television, as always, was generous. Nevertheless, the problem does not seem hopeless. At a meeting with Mr. Megou, who “knows all the banks of Switzerland,” and Mr. Megrou, who “knows all the banks of Switzerland.” And there you have it: Mr. Megou is neither anonymous nor has he abandoned us. On the contrary, Mr. Blerim gave us one more fact showing that he is seriously concerned about solving Albania’s great troubles. Let’s hope they don’t have a tradition in Switzerland of inspecting by tens. SHKELIM DEVOLLI

The fate of economic reform in Albania, now accepted by all political forces, also depends on whether this reform will be initiated spontaneously or placed on its proper legal path and put into genuine practical effect.

These days, various rumours are circulating that the Albanian-Greek border will be opened for Easter, and that Albanian citizens will be able to go to their relatives in Greece and that Greeks will be able to return to their relatives in Albania to celebrate Easter. These rumours have no basis whatsoever and are merely hearsay, spread for specific purposes and to create confusion in the border area between the two states. Crossing at the border post will take place as usual, only with a passport and a valid visa issued by the competent authorities of the two countries. Tirana, 24.4.1992. (Continued on page 2)