NOTE OF THE DAY DECENT WORK Albanian socialists have their new party’s first congress ahead of them. It will be held on June 20, but in a sense it has already begun: meetings of the SPPA’s active members have been held in all districts, and meetings of the steering committees have taken place and are continuing. One thing is very much shared: we must devote all the Party’s intellectual resources to strengthening it, making its organizations more united, and setting them in motion. There is no room for any sign of despair over the election results. Everyone is, and should be, convinced that the future belongs to the alternative of democratic socialism. But this takes work and dedication. It requires maturity and wise action from every cell of the SPPA, at the grassroots and at the center. More concretely: the SP organization in every district must, through its positions and activity, win people’s sympathy—especially that of young people and workers, peasants and intellectuals—and earn their full confidence. But how, in what way? The possibilities are endless, and no one should ever expect “directives” or ready-made recipes. Such practices must not take root in the mindset of the organizations’ leaders or steering committees. How far removed should we be from them? Every production center, every village and every institution today has its own work and production concerns; its own concerns about organization and restructuring to support economic reform, on which the vital interests of every employee and their family depend. Everyone has many questions about the present and the future: Will the price of the “basket” be liberalized, when and how? When will homes be privatized, and how? When will work resume, with raw materials secured, whether domestic or imported? When will the economic discrimination against intellectuals, lecturers, scientific workers, teachers and creators in every field come to an end? Albania is gripped by anxiety over the drastic rise in crime. No one is answering the questions: How and when will peace be restored in Albania, when will the gunshots “die away” and the killings in broad daylight come to an end? The questions are endless. People have hopes in the new government. But if it submits to the People’s Assembly draft laws like the one on labor relations (which was passed by a majority vote), they will be disappointed. No one has an interest in people, whatever their political affiliation, becoming disillusioned, because that would mean an endless prolongation of the transitional period. In these circumstances, the Socialist Party must set out its alternatives for every major issue that matters to Albanian society today. This is entirely possible because the SPPA has capable specialists and prominent public figures in its ranks, young and old, who are—and should be—brought more fully to the forefront, from the party’s basic organizations to the coordinating councils and the steering committees. The Party’s leading bodies that emerge from the new elections must, as an imperative, include people of action, with broad practical experience, passionate organizers, wise and courageous public speakers, true patriots and steadfast members of our new Party. The month of May is a decisive time for bringing the elections to a successful conclusion. They will be successful when the whole Party, from the center to the grassroots, knows how and is able to strengthen itself fully as an organization, when every member is

Granting by law the authority to carry out purges, from the most junior employer all the way up to the President, aims, among other things, to cushion the objections of those affected by the political “reform.”

The draft law being presented is not a simple one; on the contrary, it is extraordinarily delicate. In terms of its polyvalent, multidimensional content, it is more than just a draft law. It could also become a political boomerang if the reality on the ground is not taken into account in substance. It must first be consulted on with international institutions as well. Absolutely. There have been major upheavals in the central administration, and some changes in local administrations have been strange and unlawful. All the ministers and heads of department, their assistants, and so on, are almost all new. The structures of ministries and departments have been changed in ways that have sometimes failed to accord with the logic of the state itself. As it stands, this draft law opens the way to unlawful restructuring, but in the “name of the law.” Several kinds of logic are in conflict here: legislative logic, whereby Parliament passes laws intended to last; executive logic, which deals—and must deal—with day-to-day matters; and party logic, which, if it identifies itself with everything or seeks total identification with everything, leads us to the absurd concept of the party-state. Of all grotesque concepts, this is the most unacceptable and a dangerous attack on pluralism and genuine democracy. I believe we must be very prudent. I do not agree with engaging in this kind of party rhetoric, especially with prejudiced insults that express a sense of inferiority among states that are merely rhetorical or hollow. I understand the reality: the structure of the state must be improved conceptually, but human resources are neither appointed according to blueprints nor imported; rather, the most advanced and capable elements must be found among those already here. I also understand that the Meksi government needs a modus vivendi, but a genuine one—not a speculative or unlawful one. I emphasize that the only basic legal criterion for administrative changes is professional competence. Other criteria no longer carry the same weight, (Continued on page 2)

(Statement by Dr. Mago Lakrori, Socialist Party deputy, at the People’s Assembly session the day before yesterday) The modernization of our state apparatus has been made necessary by the internal transition and the process of integration with Europe. This modernization also requires restructuring and staffing improvements at every level (central and grassroots) and in every sector (civilian and military). The government’s proposal concerns staffing. I have the following comments on it: - The core article being proposed amounts to an authorization sought by the government and another body to have a “free hand” to dismiss, transfer and appoint people in the name of the People’s Assembly and for the sake of reform. Approving such an article would give legal sanction to subjectivity and arbitrariness. - Application of this article would make it possible to bring into the administration people who would use their political reliability to cover up their professional incompetence. - We are living in an imperfect society. The content of this article opens the way to favoritism, friendships and spite. Its application would weigh not only on members and supporters of the Socialist Party but on any state employee; it would also affect many of those aligned with other parties. - I do not wish to prejudge the government; nevertheless, in my view, the draft law it has presented to us demonstrates a return to the working style of the party-state, and even more than that. Applying this proposal would create new social tensions. With the sincere intention of making improvements, allow me to offer a few suggestions. First, regarding the explanatory memorandum accompanying the draft law: it should fully set out the reasons for the changes in relation to the existing law, conceiving its content not merely in terms of reform but more broadly: Albania needs a state apparatus... (Continued on page 2) Perhaps it is too categorical, throwing out onto the street whoever it wants, first and foremost members of the Socialist Party, whether they are The Democratic Party deputies are creating the impression presented. Who said we are not interested in comprehensive economic, structural, administrative, and other reforms? Who said the incompetent, the corrupt, the deadbeats should not be purged? Who is standing up for them? God himself, so to speak, has condemned them... The point is that this draft law is far too categorical: it throws out onto the street whomever whether they are members—first This day could well be remembered and marked on the calendar as the legislative beginning of a new class war. The people are being shown that the PPSH knew very well how to wage class war, but that the parliamentary majority knows how to do it too. The Party of Labour did it through Political Bureau decisions; the majority does it through legislative acts. Ali Hoxha-Hoxha Aliu! Someone was talking about votes, about a draft law being prepared for us. “L’État, c’est moi—the state is me.” Since revolu-

(Since Mr. Arnobri did not allow the discussion to continue, I am publishing my statement.) There is considerable discussion of the draft law before us. From the Democratic Party deputies, the impression is being created that we Socialists are absolutely opposed to the presentation of such proposals. No! We insist that this draft law, submitted by the government, should not remain as it has been presented. Who said that we were not interested in comprehensive economic and structural reform, or that they are very capable in their work? As it is presented, everything is lawful for the heads of departments. Where will everyone else appeal? The courts have no way to review such a decision; it is so general that it rules out every appeal and every defense! Where does this happen—in the Europe we want to join?! Today may well be remembered and marked as the beginning, with Parliament’s seal, of the infringement, violation and restriction of human rights and the human dimension, which we talk about so much. In recent days, there has been much talk here about the world, about Europe. Someone tells us that they have so many foreign constitutions before them, so many manuals; someone says they have seen half the planet; someone claims to have consulted thousands of foreign specialists; someone presents themselves as having known the laws since the age of six. All of this has major gaps in the legislation—so so many manuals; someone supposedly has of foreign specialists; someone says they knew the laws from the age of six. All of this—who knows what—but why are we turning our backs on Europe in the very draft law being presented to us? What right does the majority have to silence the minority? Why, precisely in the debate on this draft law, which affects most of the population—intellectuals, specialists and officials—is the majority interested in obstructing constructive debate? THE OBSERVER

During the parliamentary debates, the majority sought to have the bill in question passed as quickly as possible. Only a few statements had been made when proposals to close the debate began coming from the majority benches. In violation of the rules, Mr. Arnobri put this proposal to a vote despite the objections of the Socialist deputies. It was only the latter’s insistence that led the chairman of the presidium to reverse the decision. With what right does the majority—

- In pursuit of and in implementation of the land law - On Wednesday, April 29, 1992, a case concerning precisely the progress of land distribution was to be heard at the Shkodër District Court. Two parties were complaining against each other over land usurpation, which had prevented its distribution throughout the entire village. The land law had been confused with a village law; right and wrong had become muddled, and each party thought it was in the right. Earlier, when the conflict first began, an initial quarrel had broken out between the two families, and yesterday, on the day of the trial, it could have flared up on a much larger scale. The trial did not take place. Why? Because those required to appear—the chairman of the Kosmaç village council and the chairman of the land-distribution commission—did not show up. How could a trial proceed without their testimony, without any official documents, without any official assessment? In these circumstances, the judge handling the case was forced to suspend it and postpone it to another day. If these official witnesses fail to appear again, how much longer will the case drag on? And will the land have to wait until the Greek calends for a decision before it can be cultivated? This is not an isolated case. Land-distribution commissions in quite a few villages have caused many problems. This is partly due to a clear desire to make things right for relatives and friends. These and other disputes are leaving considerable scars on villagers’ lives. On the other hand, their withdrawal from confrontations slows down rather than speeds up the distribution of land. Although the two chairmen who failed to appear are members of the PS or were proposed by it, we say here that this is no way to divide the land. Correspondent of “Zëri i Popullit”

Mr. President, the Albanian Parliament, by a majority vote (63 votes in all), approved an amendment to the law on employment relations. With the exception of the opposition, namely the Socialist Party parliamentary group, everyone approved the law. Now it is your turn, as president of the country, to judge. You can send it back for improvement and clarification, or allow it to be implemented. I, too, will give you my opinion as a citizen and an Albanian. I think that the law approved by a majority vote, in the form in which it has been drafted, is undemocratic. I set out my opinion in the following facts, which I am making known to the public and to you. The first fact The law that was approved violates the principles of the Helsinki and Paris Charters on human rights. Under this approved law, the competent authority is “Zeus.” The second fact The law itself violates democracy in general. By granting unlimited powers to the competent authority, it provides a legal basis for the monarchist view that flourished in France before the 1789 Revolution, expressed as: L’État, c’est moi—the state is me. Nevertheless, in Parliament the view was expressed that what is happening in Albania is a democratic revolution. The question is rightly raised: are purge campaigns characteristic of democratic revolutions, or of revolutions? But I, who have no interest in defending the law, [am expected to do so]. Meanwhile, the trade unions have no right to defend the interests of their members. Besides, no such law exists in any country in Europe. Let anyone produce such a law in any European country, and I will take back what I said. The third fact The approved law suits the layer of sycophants, profiteers and cowards—people who are professionally incompetent but are said to have a “practical spirit.” You know this well, but let me remind you. The former state leadership was built up by this layer, since they too had unlimited powers in their hands. As a result, democracy opens the way for this layer, which conceals its incompetence with sycophancy. But what will happen under this law? The logic is very simple. Once again, the sycophants, the incompetent, the tricksters, the people who are like flamingos, those who in reality have no political convictions but use them as a mask for their personal gain, will prevail. Meanwhile, those who disagree with the policy, but are Albanian, honest and capable, will leave because they do not meet two criteria: the political criterion and the criterion of character. Is this democracy, then? The fourth fact If the approved law is implemented, it will serve national division, not national unity. The reason is very simple. All those who will be dismissed—and there are thousands of them—will mostly be professionally capable, but with political convictions—

- A REFRAIN OF THE CAPITAL - At around 18:00 yesterday, after the “shtëatvani” commotion, the revolver. A person lying in the street, kicked. Then two or three people with revolvers—and they start searching one another. This gunfire in the air, with an Albanian paradox: instead of moving away from the body, people ran toward it; the police, as if it were a “small matter,” were late. What was this? Did these people know it was a holiday? These people ... The foreign correspondent who ... SH. M.

The mayor of Los Angeles announced that 4,000 additional troops were being requested today, as racial violence spread to “Hollywood Boulevard” and the cinema capital’s “Walk of Fame.” The looting, fires and violence, in which 23 people were killed and 900 injured in Los Angeles, spread to other American cities in the state, including San Francisco, Atlanta and Las Vegas. Curfews were imposed. Los Angeles Mayor Tom Bradley said that 4,000 more National Guard troops were needed, while another 2,000 National Guard troops had already been sent to the city. ... (Continued on page 2)

- The price of bread in Shkodër rose by 40 percent - The citizens of Shkodër, who got up as usual on the morning of May 1 and joined the bread queues, learned, not without surprise, some new information: bread would no longer be sold at its usual price, but at a different one. Its price had risen by 40 percent. A five-lek loaf would no longer cost that amount, but seven lekë. Someone said there had already been an official announcement about this, but the poor citizen was the last to hear of it! We inquired at several outlets about this unexpected price increase, a “gift” for May 1. ... A large quantity of flour has arrived at the bread factory! A special batch, which had to be put into production as soon as possible, for fear it might be appropriated. It is high-quality flour and, naturally, would be sold at a different price. This measure will be temporary, until this type of flour runs out. That’s that. This “gift” does not seem so simple to us. One suspects this is the first test to see whether people will freely accept an increase in the prices of basic goods, or whether there will be objections even to their most essential item: bread. Because if this is simply a matter of high-quality flour, why was bread produced in the same size as in previous days, but at the basket-of-goods price? Why, if there is so much high-quality flour, don’t they... (Continued on page 2)

The Presidium of the Socialist Party of Albania and the Socialist parliamentary group decided to immediately inform: 1. The Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) 2. The Council of Europe 3. The European Parliament 4. The Council of Ministers of the European Community, as well as European and international forums and organizations and the socialist and social-democratic parties of Europe, about the undemocratic decision of the Albanian Parliament, which on 30.4.1992, with 63 votes, approved an amendment to Law 7526 of 3.12.1991, “On Employment Relations.” The adoption of the above law is a serious violation of human freedoms and rights and is in open contradiction with recognized international standards. Such legislation by regimes, based on political prejudice, not only does not help strengthen the rule of law that we have begun to build, but also obstructs progress and the institutionalization of democracy in Albania.