Support for jobs, not welfare What has been achieved so far on the road to democracy is undoubtedly a great and indisputable victory for the Albanian people. The communist dictatorship gave way to individual freedom, monism to pluralism, the right to own property, isolation to openness and cooperation, and so on. If democracy in its political aspect has been secured, this has simultaneously opened the way to economic democracy, which, after all, is the most important. People want to speak and vote freely, but also to eat and dress well; they want to work and have the opportunity to rest and enjoy themselves, to give birth to and raise healthy, educated children—in short, to live as everyone else does. We are far from achieving this democracy. And naturally, it could not be otherwise. No one has achieved it immediately, or in a year. The concern occupying people today is that the crisis’s downward spiral is not stopping. The stabilization, let alone the revival, of the ruined economy is not getting started. What worries us is that it is not getting started, not that we are failing to achieve it. This cannot be achieved unless work begins. And work cannot begin until raw materials arrive. Under these conditions, the channels of circulation filled with money, multiplying the rate of inflation severalfold in a short time; its runaway course cannot be stopped by peripheral and administrative measures. In these circumstances, the laws of the market are not being made by the mechanisms that should set the market economy in motion, but by its excessive emptying, profiteering and speculation. Rural reform, regardless of its pace in distributing land, cannot in any way be called complete. To this day, the farmer feels entirely abandoned, despite the electoral pledges and promises. We can say that the only “support” offered to him was the auctioning off of chemical fertilizers. That is why our impoverished farmer continues to wait for much, much more, so that he can realistically enjoy the fruits of owning land. Faced with this extremely grave situation, and with the urgent need to continue and complete the reforms that remain unfinished, the government of Mr. Meksi has been placed before the task—the only hope—of continuing and completing the unfinished reform, the only hope of continuing and completing the unfinished reform. Despite the difficulties and heavy burdens that fall to them, people still have their hopes set on the government. Today’s government officials made promises and pledged themselves to the people and the country less than two months ago. The party they represent announced a program in which the majority of the people believed. Now words, promises and programs must give way to implementation and deeds. The first great test for this government is the removal of the 80 percent measure, for which a decision has been issued. The most desirable solution to this test, as well as to the other tests that determine the reform, is not to fill the ranks of welfare recipients, but to fill the workplaces with today’s unemployed and those who will become unemployed tomorrow. This solution entails many other solutions, from guaranteeing food supplies and privatizing the economy to securing aid, bringing in and managing raw materials to get the economy working, opening roads and bringing in foreign investment. For these and many, many other troubles, the people look to the government...

For two nights in a row, we watched the President on television visiting Kavajë and Shkodër. We also have a duty to tell our readers something in the newspapers. Perhaps it is the cabinet’s fault for keeping your movements secret in order to spring a surprise. Not only the newspapers, but ordinary people too knew when Bejkeri, Gansheri, Micotaqisi, etc., would arrive, just as we know when you are travelling. Some time ago, when you were still chairman of the PPD, television would announce in advance that the next day you would visit Gjirokastër... That way, the people would come out to greet you, and the media would cover it. Why shouldn’t it be announced now that you are head of state? By not reporting the visit, you leave room for rumors and for people to say it is our fault that we do not go and write about it. Despite the difficulties we face, we will once again do our best to cover your visits as accurately as possible. Respect us, and we will respect you, Mr. President. THE OBSERVER MEETING AT THE PRIME MINISTER’S OFFICE Yesterday morning, the Chairman of the Council of Ministers, Mr. Aleksandër Meksi, held a working meeting with the ambassadors of Austria, France, Greece, Italy, the USA and Turkey, the German chargé d’affaires, and representatives of UNDP. Prime Minister Aleksandër Meksi asked those invited to the meeting to convey to their respective governments the Albanian government’s request to organize a G-24 meeting in Tirana at the end of June. (According to ATSH)

News we report with sorrow - Fuel and grain transport suspended. - Neither the People’s Assembly, nor the government, nor the Ministry of Transport agrees to talks with the strikers. - A strike that had been announced in advance and could have been avoided. On Sunday, the newspaper “Zëri i popullit” published an article saying that Durrës was in an undeclared strike. The point of the article was that something was building up within the trade unions. Yesterday, however, the situation changed. The strike was declared. As you know, starting at 1 a.m. on May 18, rail transport of passengers and goods was completely suspended, especially the transport of fuel and grain, because of a general strike involving nearly 9,000 employees of the Republic’s railway system. This strike had been announced as early as May 2 in a petition that the railway union, which is affiliated with BSP, addressed to the presidium of the People’s Assembly, Mr. Pjetër Arbnori, Prime Minister Aleksandër Meksi, Minister of Transport Fatos Bitinçi and Director General of the Railways Astrit Sallihari. Unfortunately, while petitions and letters from enterprises with 100 employees, or even from individuals, are being read in the People’s Assembly, it was not considered appropriate to read the railway workers’ petition, which represents thousands of employees. The Prime Minister did not even deign to receive the union representatives, while the Minister of Transport has not bothered, despite having been informed for so many days, to come to the railway at least once and listen to the union representatives about the demands set out in the petition. This was the same minister of the railways who resigned in 1991, claiming that the government showed no concern for the railway and neglected it. The railway’s Director General, too, has refused to talk with union members from the train drivers’ unit of the Kavajë railway district and from the operating branch of the Railway Operations Directorate, saying, “I have nothing to do with the unions.” Meanwhile, railway management itself pressured the unions not to start the strike and to call it off. The strikers also say that they are finding no support for their demands from the BSP leaders, which has become an appendage of the government; this could lead to the railway union breaking away from BSP and forming a separate new union. But what are some of the modest demands that could have been resolved through dialogue and form the substance of the strikers’ petition? 1. The government should take a clear position on whether the railway is to continue to exist within the framework of restructuring and economic reform; if so, it should be removed from the authority of the Ministry of Transport. 2. The status of railway employees should be defined, with workers in this sector employed in uniform, as in all countries of the world. 3. Fair wage ratios should be established in comparison with other state sectors of the economy. 4. The railway should be subsidized by the state, and the tax on rail transport should be included in the basket of price-controlled goods; otherwise, transport fares should be liberalized. 5. The state and union representatives should conduct financial oversight of the economic activities of enterprises in the railway system, since state property has been subject to profiteering. 6. All local and central managers who have been compromised and corrupted during this period should be dismissed. As is clear, these demands are quite modest and were brought to the attention of the relevant authorities a year ago. But state bureaucracy dragged its feet. The Socialist Party, having familiarized itself with these demands, expresses the view that they are fair and fundamental and that, if they were treated seriously, they could be fully resolved; this strike would then have been unnecessary. It is the duty of the entire state hierarchy to act. By failing to understand the situation and the specific nature of rail transport, it did not foresee the catastrophic consequences this strike would have for the entire economy. We believe that measures must be urgent—not in a day, but without losing an hour. We do not anticipate any further upheaval in the situation in the country. SPARTAK BRAHO And the prime minister does not deign even to receive the representatives of the trade union, while the minister of transport has not made the effort, although he has been informed for so many days. Let him the trade union representatives about the demands submitted in the petition. Was it [unclear] this— 2. The status of railway employees should be regulated, providing employees in this sector with uniforms as in all the

Letter to the editor We are three women workers in the mechanical department at NPAN in Gjirokastër. More accurately, former workers, since we have been out of work for two months, all of us with families, mothers with children. In April, the director dismissed us, leaving all production to continue only in the foundry. We think this is unfair; there is work and room for us, too. But in response to our request, the director offered this solution: “Sign the papers for welfare assistance.” We have not signed, because neither we nor the enterprise union agree. We have gone to the industry section, to the employment and social welfare office; we will also go to court. One of us, Kristina, has a husband who is also unemployed. What is this—does the director want our families to start starving? All of us working in this department have family problems, as do many other workers and citizens in our country. So we want to tell both the directors and the government: beware of the consequences, because you use the words, “Send them onto welfare.” KOZETA QAMO, VIOLETA BONI, KRISTINA GJIKA, Gjirokastër

THE PRESIDENT IN SHKODËR As reported, on May 17, 1992, Mr. Sali Berisha met with various employees from the district of Shkodër. We will not go into all the details of this meeting. His speech was applauded when he emphasized the message that land must be distributed according to the law, that the law passed is democratic; that people want order; they love one another and do not want disparities in prosperity. They want knowledge and the truth. And in the name of this truth, Mr. Berisha was asked to read a question concerning the chairman of the Constitutional Court, deputy Rustem Gjata. In brief, the question expressed concern about why Mr. Gjata had been appointed to that high office when, in the city of Shkodër, he was known as one of the former judges who had been most severe, one of the most zealous enforcers of the class struggle in sentencing policy, especially in politically motivated sentences. The person presiding over the session avoided the question, but those in the hall demanded not only that it be read, but also that the President of the Republic publicly state his position. People are asking for this because they trust him, they trust his word. And Mr. Berisha said, in substance, that he knew nothing of such a fact; that people should prepare a list of jurists who had not imposed harsh sentences; but that it should also be borne in mind that the laws had been strict, and that everyone had sentenced people in the same way. But, he added, Mr. Gjata had earned his position because he was one of the first jurists to devote himself to the Democratic Party... Mr. President, it is good that you seek people’s opinions, but that opinion should have been sought beforehand, all the more so since it was stressed in Parliament that care should be taken not to appoint to the highest judicial offices people who had been devotedly loyal to the dictatorship. Mr. Gjata devoted himself to the democratic processes from the beginning. We hope that is so. But does this devotion mean that it also wipes away sins—not just in his case, but in the case of all the others who may have wrongs to answer for? Could embracing democratic processes also mean absolution of conscience? I repeat, I am not referring to Mr. Gjata, but to many others who might join you in order to cleanse their conscience (to put it simply), and then once again occupy positions of trust in the highest institutions... This is not the yardstick by which people should be measured. I do not know what Mr. Gjata did when he was a judge in Shkodër. I, like everyone else, have heard that he was severe, but also well-prepared; that he was serious, but also handed down maximum sentences. Perhaps that was his duty. Those who suffered from it know better than I do. Certainly, they are not pleased when the very same people are once again at the pinnacle of the state’s scales of justice. BEDRI ISLAMI

On the eve of the First Congress of the PSSH As part of the activities preparing for the First Congress of the PSSH, Servet Pëllumbi, Deputy Chairman of the Party, and Fatmir Zanaj, a member of the KD presidium, spent several days among the socialists and supporters of our party in the districts of Tropojë and Pukë. On May 14, in one of the halls of the PS committee building for Tropojë, Fatmir Zanaj met with the town’s intellectuals. After briefly explaining the PSSH’s vision of the political situation at home and abroad, he also addressed the main objectives that Albanian socialists have set themselves to achieve at their first congress. Explanations were then given and discussions held on the many questions raised by those attending. At the center of attention were the serious concerns felt by Tropojë’s intellectuals about the implementation of the land law, the PS’s position in the upcoming local elections, the absence of the press in Tropojë for three months, the fate of Kosovo and of the Albanians living in their ancestral lands in neighboring Slavic republics, the initiative for national reconciliation and unity, the best possible solutions to economic problems in the district and nationwide, and so on. On May 15, a meeting of the PSSH KD activists for Tropojë was held, attended also by chairpersons of the party’s basic organizations, delegates for meetings on new party elections, leaders of FRESSH in Tropojë, etc. After a brief speech, Hysni Osmani, chairman of the PS KD for the district of Tropojë, read the speech of comrade Servet Pëllumbi, who arrived that day in B. Curri. He gave a detailed analysis of the country’s economic, political and social situation, and presented the solutions contained in the PSSH program—solutions that underpin the principled positions of the opposition parliamentary group in today’s Albanian parliament. At the activists’ meeting, issues were discussed... (Continued on page 2)

Tomorrow, an international conference on Market Economy and Management will begin its proceedings at one of the venues of the Palace of Congresses. This project has been funded by the U.S. government with the aim of facilitating the transition to a free-market economy in Albania. The program is administered by the International Corporation for Management and Economic Assistance, based at the University of Nebraska–Lincoln. It is considered within a series of organized conferences, lasting five and three days, to give Albanian professionals an opportunity to address government and various universities, and includes work on market-system projects. The institutions of the economy are leading experts in the fields of management and economics. As academics and practitioners, they represent all the key areas of the market-economy and management system. The program, built on the basis of the schemes for Training in Market Economy, Management Training, Entrepreneurship Training, and Organization, is designed to begin as a process for governance and strengthening professional skills. For each conference of this kind, sessions are also held in Shkodër, Korçë, and Vlorë), and those who achieve success will receive a certificate for future opportunities, including their future prospects. The seminar programs and program practice, as well as the instructions from SIBA and the instructions for colleagues.

What is being said more and more often in the daily press, and elsewhere, is more or less this: after losing political power, the socialists have set their sights on economic power. A great many articles are being written on this subject, with numerous accusations but no names. Today’s socialists have names. Is this a half-truth? No, as regards the leaders of various bodies of the party in power over the past two years, with the opening up, [unclear] the world and the cessation of the long-term function, with the people’s attention focused on political problems during the connections and [unclear] goods? This has made them [unclear], [unclear], while for others they constitute part of the wages; it has brought about a [unclear] and vehicles and luxury? [Unclear] earlier, etc. This is the half-truth. Why do I always start with my city? Because perhaps in another city or in Tirana there may be a truth. The socialists do not await with trembling hearts the law on illicit gains made during the struggle for democracy. Because they have nothing to lose; likewise, they do not await with trembling hearts the opening of the files. Others squirm when honest people look among them; they grind their teeth if you move them even a little. They are ready to do [unclear], and make distinctions, just so no one disturbs what they have gained through dishonest work. Well, I say that for my city this is a half-truth, because these “clever” people today are not members of the Socialist Party. I can say responsibly that you cannot find them in the SP. Why didn’t they join the SP? For many reasons. First, they had joined the PP too in order to benefit... Now the door to benefits has closed. [Unclear] not even one, just to ward off the evil eye. They were more often members or sympathizers of other parties, because perhaps they sensed the changes and the benefits, and feared they might be left out, since they were used to being on the inside, and even at the head of the table. I have written about them, including by name, knowing that they have become property owners. Secondly, they stayed outside the SP because they knew that, as members, the opposition would come after them. So it was better to remain at least in the shadows. There, they neither tremble nor matter. They supported the others with the politicians. They did not join the SP for another reason: they had no companions like themselves. I can say that most of the former directors of the major enterprises from the final years of the monist period are not members of the Socialist Party today, and some of them

Yesterday we learned that the newspaper «ALBAPOL» will no longer be published. Who stopped it, and for what reason?