Whom shall we elect to the Party’s leading forums? It is a natural question that arises as the new elections are now at their peak. Elections that begin with the chairmen of the party organizations and go all the way to the central leadership that will emerge from the First Congress. The answer seems simple: elect the best. Only, I think this is an abstract, general answer. Behind the expression “the best” stand real people. And never more than today has the real person been assessed in all their complexity: in their political convictions; in their clear positions on the situations we are going through; in their determination to defend the alternative; in the intellectual capacity they possess to win others over through their words and positions; in the personal, family, and clan interests that tie them to the Party; in their desire to be tribunes of the masses, etc., etc. One thing is clear to everyone. The Socialist Party has intellectual capacities at both the grassroots and the center, so it is not difficult for us to choose people for its leadership forums. The same is true of people of action. This wealth is perhaps greater than that of several other parties taken together. It is present throughout the Party’s work and life. Its effectiveness is visible everywhere, although it is still not fully realized for various reasons. The Party’s wealth of capable people was evident in its most difficult moments. The turbulent political circumstances surrounding the creation of the Socialist Party are well known. So are the storms and attacks it faced over the course of a year. Nevertheless, it preserved and strengthened its identity. The political upheavals of that year caused greater shocks in the other parties than in ours. This happened because its backbone was strong from the very beginning. I have in mind those dozens of capable young men and women, intellectuals and courageous people, who undertook to lead the Party from the grassroots to the center, when abandoning it—or at least avoiding visibility in its leadership structures—would have been more comfortable. In a sense, they were the Party’s “death pilots,” because they took on great personal and family sacrifices, insults and abuse they did not deserve. These people deserve the respect and appreciation of the Party’s members. After the unsatisfactory result of the 22 March elections, many expressions of dissatisfaction and criticism were also directed at them. They were understandable in that tense moment. After that, cool logic and sound reasoning come into play. When we criticize one or several comrades who serve in the Party’s leadership forums, at the center or at the grassroots, let us think, (Continued on page 2)

In the capital, a national assembly of the trade union federation for education and science was held to discuss once again the demands addressed to the government for salary increases, improved working conditions in schools, the restoration of order, etc. The debates lasted about four hours, and the Meksi cabinet’s delaying stance regarding the dignity afforded to education and science workers was strongly criticized. Speakers included Vasil Prifti from Fier, Fatmir Barhani from Mati, Partizan Hysen(i) from Kruja, Vito Steja from Pato(si), Fatmir Shkalla from Elbasan, Donika Petri from Gjirokastra, Djana Resuli from Durrës, etc. “Is the government waiting for a general strike to begin before it addresses our problems?” the trade unionists asked. Nevertheless, they agreed to hold back from taking action against the authorities until the beginning of June. In other words, the government was given time to act and implement the measures it had agreed were justified. Representatives of the Independent Trade Unions’ Union had also come from several districts, such as Librazhd and Patos. Correspondent of «Zëri i Popullit»

— Declaration of the People’s Assembly of the Republic of Albania — The People’s Assembly of the Republic of Albania welcomed with particular satisfaction, in fulfillment of its continuing duty, the holding and conduct on 24 May 1992 of free, multiparty elections in the Republic of Kosovo, in which its president and first pluralist parliament will be elected. The holding of these elections is an event of particular historical importance for the Albanian people living in their own lands in the former Yugoslavia. They mark a further and sure step toward the creation of stable democratic institutions in Kosovo. The conduct of free and democratic elections in accordance with international documents is a legitimate criterion for the Albanian population. No one has the right to prevent Albanians from expressing their free will and deciding their own future. As they have until now, they will make efforts to avert any provocation intended to cause war and bloodshed in this region. It is high time the authorities in Belgrade understood that the will of a people cannot be crushed through violence and the use of military force. The Assembly of the Republic of Albania, expressing its goodwill toward the Albanian people, calls on international public opinion, the member states of the CSCE and the European Community to support and back the holding of free elections in Kosovo. Only respect for the will of the Albanian people can lead to a complete resolution of the crisis in Kosovo, thereby averting bloodshed and the complete destabilization of the Balkans. Tirana, 23 May 1992

A Concern Shared by All Society For days now, people’s thoughts have been turned toward the other part of the nation, historically bloodied, trampled underfoot, and separated from the ancient Albanian trunk. The first parliamentary elections in Kosovo are part of everyday conversation. There is heightened interest for many reasons, but above all because of the explosive situation in which these elections are taking place, the West’s growing interest in the Albanian question, and the multitude of weapons, equipment, and military forces deployed in Kosovo... We thought we would bring some fragments of these conversations, the hopes and thoughts expressed on this momentous day, into this article: Dhimëter-Monari, lathe operator at the Tirana Mechanical Plant: “Anything could happen on this momentous day for Albanians. From what I have heard and read, the Albanian people of Kosovo have prepared for these elections, but they are also prepared for any massacre the Serbian army might organize. I have followed all the news about Kosovo and spoken with various people, especially those my age. From what I have learned, public opinion throughout Albania is paying close attention these days to everything that might happen on our borders and in Kosovo. May things turn out for the best! One thing is certain: we will support one another; we will support Kosovo’s new parliament and government, just as they supported us during these processes. From now on we will be even closer.” Gjin Shqalosi, student, member of the FRESSH Central Council: “There is no need to describe the situation that has arisen on the eve of the new elections in Kosovo. Every Albanian knows it. We are young; we have a youth forum and have tried to join in many activities with the other forums, though we are lagging behind. Nevertheless, I say that in moments like these, more than any institution, it is national consciousness that has united the Albanian nation. I want to raise one concern: In recent months—more precisely, this school year—our peers in Kosovo have been left without a university, without schooling. To avoid being forced into the pain of the war front, many young people took the road of emigration to the West and elsewhere. They were left on the roads of Europe, without school and without work. In my opinion, no lasting solution has been created these days; the interests of the national cause demand that they be in Albania, sharing the hardship that has engulfed this country. By being here together with us, we would be closer to Kosovo.” Interviewed by: FRANO ÇAKA be closer to Kosovo.”

PROTESTS The newspaper «Albanpol», the first of its kind in the history of Albanian journalism, appeared on 22.10.1991. From the outset it was welcomed by readers in the country and, despite the difficulties of distributing the press in Albania, managed to rank third in circulation after «RD» and «ZP». Beyond being a journalistic event, the publication of «Albanpol» represents a main pillar of police relations with the public, a cardinal element of democratic dialogue and rapprochement between police and public, a fundamental characteristic of modern policing, an indicator of transparency that sheds light on the activities of police institutions—which for 50 years of dictatorship were hidden beneath the hermetic armor of a monumental “blackout”—and an indicator of democracy, understood as a duty to inform public opinion about the criminal situation in the country and to bring law-enforcement officials and ordinary police officers closer to the public in a time charged with high political tension. In a short time, «Albanpol» created its own loyal audience, its readership, its character and personality. It was also positively assessed not only by world-class political figures such as Dr. T. Melia, etc., but also by the specialized journalism magazine «EST EVROPIAN», which published an article from our newspaper under the Albanpol masthead—something it has not done for any other Albanian newspaper. Despite this picture, on 18 May 1992, like a bolt from the blue, precisely what was not expected happened: Minister Bashkim announced the newspaper’s closure. The reasons? “That is what the president ordered.” Later, on TV SH, Mr. Kopliku undertook to justify the newspaper’s closure on the grounds of the economic reform framework and “a reduction in expenses.” Although «Albanpol» was not created as a subsidiary business of the MRP, but with an entirely different mission—as an expression of democracy and transparency—we explain that «Albanpol» is financially far more profitable than all state newspapers and magazines; indeed, it makes a profit. We brought this to the attention of the MRP’s highest authorities, but instead of a reply, on 20.05.1992 a State Audit team appeared at the editorial office’s door at 6:55 in the morning. We also inform you that the newspaper’s latest issue, which is in the process of being printed, was prevented from publication by order of the minister—an unprecedented case in the history of the democratic press. As journalists, intellectuals, and Albanians, we are not against state inspection; on the other hand, we can only hope that newspapers are the State Audit’s sole concern and that everything else in Albania is “running smoothly.” “State reasons” dictate that “expenses must be reduced” in journalism, even as we recognize the necessity of informing the people about everything criminal that happens in Albania—a requirement of every genuine democracy. We are ready, and have made it known to the MRP’s highest authorities, to move to self-financing and cover the expenses by

For the vote on the road to freedom, for you, my Kosovar brother! He will go today, on foot and not without joy, to the ballot box, set up there out of necessity: beside the church, beside the mosque, beside the cemetery. And though a well-wisher has worked and is working for him, and though a message...? Dear reader, lend an ear and listen for a moment to the voice of history. Where do these messages come from? They rise and come from the depths of the years; they move toward European democracy. The toys fall, fires are lit. This is the Albanian “morsi,” that “mors” which awakens new and ancient calls to arms. Before my eyes appears the epic of the wedding processions, this mountain range not of stone but of hearts; before me rises the bullet-pierced xhubleta, that xhubleta once placed in a museum—the ??? of the grave of the unnamed partisan and of so many city cemeteries. The words written crookedly in the minutes of wartime meetings appear before me; before my eyes come those who fought, those who refuse to let the yoke of servitude slip down upon them, those who are moving swiftly toward signing the declaration of independence. And if these are not sparks that flare, then what could they be? They are our Kosovar brothers, before whom even death trembles. Who bloodied your fate, who made Kosovo’s soil a sacrifice to the ???, who planted shadows in the grave? Who warmed you on the frozen ground, who urged you to quench your hunger, to eat “servitude”? With the war we fought and the thousands who fell for the homeland... what did we gain? We gained and lost, lost and gained, but when our shared efforts weave the final wreath with laurels wet with this morning’s dew, for all eternity we will journey together as Albanians, children of the same compassionate Mother. We will journey together, defying sorrow, traditional hatred, distrust, fratricide. Know this, my brother: the blood of Skënderbeu flows in our veins. That is precisely why I let your heart enter mine, and I feel mine become lighter, stronger, wider, and I say: we will stand unafraid in our lands like two rocks in a gorge, between which the river of our life flows and flows; we will stand side by side, with the rainbow of love for the homeland above us. Is that not so? I think I hear the song of freedom, that song rising with all its strength and vigor, in the day’s most joyful notes: 24 May 1992. Written for today. I think that in this way, too, I am helping, however little, to realize the great dream.

We want to clarify to the entire public of our city that we, the Durrës city Orphans’ Association, went on hunger strike as a last democratic means of resolving our problems and preventing 47 orphaned children from being thrown out onto the streets. For this action, we appealed to the district authorities, political parties, politicians, religious communities, and various social associations. With the exception of the district authorities, everyone supported us. I have met with the Minister of Health and the Minister of Education, who told us to be patient and said that the plural commissions in the district have full authority, and that the hunger strike is not up to us. Have we appealed to the Prime Minister and the President? Have we asked? We did not go on strike for... economic or political reasons, but against the poverty of minors. Is it difficult to understand whether our association and its children are able to live normally? We hope the Minister of Health and the Minister of Education will give us an answer.

“The Flower-Filled Square,” by RD Yesterday, in the article “The First Signs of a Turnaround,” the newspaper RD emphasized the fact that queues were supposedly disappearing from the shops. It even used this as the article’s subtitle to attract the reader’s attention. It is easy enough to understand that RD has taken it upon itself to point out that “the improvement in Albania began after the elections of March 22.” What makes us wonder is how one can say otherwise when things are not getting better? You encounter them from morning till night. You might, for example, dazzle the reader with promises (as they were called during the election campaign), but to find a real alibi in the “flowering” of normal conditions in the bread and kerosene shops—as RD does—means making fun of the suffering of people who are exhausted and impoverished. Have people really not seen these things, when they have faced the absurdities being put forward as if they were obvious, and seen the queues grow longer to buy cheap bread and kerosene? Do they seriously believe it, or are they dreaming when they say the queues at the bread shops are getting shorter? Let them tell us where pasta, sugar, and so on can be found and seen, because the people do not know. What they do know is that queues are getting shorter in the black market, where only those with full pockets can buy anything. We have never wished to trumpet the “miracles” after March 22. On the contrary, we would be glad if the people could see and rejoice in even some “sign of a turnaround.” But when there isn’t one, why should we be forced to become enthusiastic, as RD has done? It is truly laughable to say, “Albania is a communist-socialist state,” and expect people to accept this “truth,” which shines on television screens, in newspaper pages, at the port of Durrës, at the airport, in the shops... When you read these lines

The concern that compels us to address Parliament, the President, and the Prime Minister is the silence surrounding the problems that have arisen in the district of Gramsh because of the construction of the Banja hydroelectric plant. Since 1986, when this project began, the rightful demands of the residents of this district have been unjustifiably and dishonestly delayed, and all the promises made to these people have been left unfulfilled. This is why we ask the present government to resume, without delay, the implementation of decisions made by previous governments—decisions concerning the restoration of conditions after the flooding caused by the Banja hydroelectric plant in the district of Gramsh. We believe this could be done by an interdepartmental commission that would inspect on the ground the consequences this project caused for the people of our district and establish precisely how much compensation the government owes. We see and understand the difficult situation the country is in today, but you must understand us, gentlemen: our patience has no limits left, since from 1986 until now we have been a people fed on promises. Time and again we have raised our voices through meetings with government representatives, the prime ministers who have left office, and ministers; through letters sent to the former President and the government; through members of parliament in the previous and current parliaments; through the press and through petitions. But so far our voices have fallen on deaf ears. At the time, when it was decided to build this project, we accepted even some sacrifices contrary to our local interests for the sake of national interests. But every day we are becoming convinced that this is not the case, and now, in government circles, all we have received so far is damage from the construction of this project. Under market-economy conditions we are becoming almost completely isolated; in this way we can only... The government is not thinking about what it will do with this population of 47,500. The cost of implementing economic reform, which will be high for our workers and in our circumstances, will be compounded by the cost of building this project. To alleviate poverty even a little, the government must provide a solution for us. Through meetings with government representatives, our voices have fallen on deaf ears. And did we gain? Did we gain or lose? With two government projects? With part of the income, this road can be built. Secondly, under Council of Ministers Decision No. 40, dated 22.11.1986, the state was to spend 162 million lek on restoring conditions after the flooding caused by Lake Banja. In fact, from that date until now, only 60 million lek has been spent. As a result, construction has been left unfinished on the city’s new industrial zone, the Kërçë water supply system, the electrical substation, restoration of the irrigation system, housing for the families to be relocated from the villages of Cerujë and Qerret, and social and cultural facilities in the city, among other things. Farming families in the villages of Drizë, Zagjupë, Gjergjovinë, Cingar, Dardëz, Dushk, Silavre, Cerujë, and Çekën are demanding compensation for the damage caused by the flooding. There are other problems too, but we say that the new government will also turn its attention to Gramsh. Let us hope... THE STEERING COMMITTEE OF THE SACRIFICED PARTY OF THE GRAMSH DISTRICT

hatred, distrust—