IS THE QUESTION PREMATURE: WHEN WILL ELECTIONS BE HELD FOR LOCAL GOVERNMENT BODIES?
In the midst of the great hardships our country is going through, and the urgent, pressing tasks that Parliament, the government and the president have to resolve, one basic element seems to have been forgotten at this decisive step toward institutionalizing the rule of law—elections for local government bodies.
Our country has been governed for nearly a year and a half through local government bodies without the people’s vote, that is, without free and democratic elections for these bodies. Those who come and go as representatives of power in these bodies have been appointed by various political forces; they are therefore passive representatives, and in no way representatives of the people.
This paradoxical situation did not begin today, but was created last year after the 31 March elections, when it was considered appropriate not to enter into an election campaign, but instead to establish pluralist governing bodies at the grassroots level. For better or worse, this was a temporary solution which, while intended to ease rising social tensions, often led to paralysis within this very structure. A consequence not only of the struggle between political forces, but also of the feverish desire for power on one side or the other, it did not serve the country’s stability. Where consensus was lacking—even during the months of the government of stability—these bodies did not serve local governance; instead of social and economic development and the harmonization of people’s interests, they brought economic stagnation and even destruction, social insecurity and destabilization.
After the 22 March elections, an entirely different situation arose in the country. Consequently, every possibility exists, and it is entirely natural to consider not consigning elections for local government bodies to the Greek calends, thereby making it possible to establish democratic institutions at every level of government.
The situations currently unfolding in the districts, and the insistence of Democratic Party representatives on treating their victory in the 22 March elections to the People’s Assembly as a right to govern as they please—exclusively, and even to strip others of the right to share in that victory—is illogical and does not reflect a democratic spirit in the work of these bodies, even if they are temporary.
In practice, many district executive committees are not functioning today, since PD leaders in most districts are not properly implementing the government’s relevant instructions for this purpose. Instead of seeking consensus, they have displayed open arrogance that has nothing in common with democratic conduct, the revival of the economy, or the restoration of social peace. Despite the people’s great hardships involving supplies, housing and employment, despite the paralysis of the land law, the resolution of privatization, and the task of making profitable economic sectors operate efficiently—in other words, the revival of all social and economic life in the districts—the honest work of resolving these hardships has often been supplanted by fighting and clashes.
In the face of the damaging opposition of the PD and its people in the bodies of power to the consensual establishment of pluralist executive committees, representatives of the Socialist Party and its grassroots governing committees have regarded withdrawal from these bodies as the fairest course. They bear no responsibility for the irresponsible actions of these bodies today, where only one voice is expected to be heard: that of the PD representatives. Other political forces have also objected to the allocation of representation in these bodies, including even members of the so-called three-party coalition.
As a result, local government is completely paralyzed. The decisions being made are lifeless and are serving purges and the revival of a spirit of vengeance, as well as manifestations of corruption, the creation of new cliques, and so on. In other words, we fought to overthrow a 45-year monist regime, only to find ourselves confronting a new monism that is showing a tendency to dominate every aspect of life: whatever the people say, it is ‘Ali himself and Kadi himself.’ This seriously harms democratic governance and runs counter to the people’s will. The people have not yet had their say on who should lead local government bodies in the future. Ultimately, this does not serve the stabilization of the country’s political and socioeconomic situation.
These are the factors that make the question imperative: when will elections be held for local government bodies?
IS THERE CORRUPTION IN ALBANIA?
In developed countries, financial scandals have been so serious that they have shaken world opinion. Statesmen and personalities with reputations have been implicated in them. Neither America nor France, Italy nor Japan has escaped them. They have often begun as preludes to the downfall of presidents. Humanity’s efforts toward progress and a better democratic life apparently carry within them such stains, remembered throughout history. “Gopeshllëku”—a harmful virus arising from the thirst for money.
The power of money is stronger than any other executive or legislative power. The interests set in motion by this powerful mechanism cause people to break away from statism.
Corruption among the upper echelons has also been discussed and described here. In short, the field has been opened for the question: is there corruption in Albania? We will continue to speculate as long as no corrupt person has been brought to the dock. It seems that the justice system, if it is not itself entangled in it, finds it very difficult to produce evidence.
Those who hold power have always been, willingly or not, under a shadow of suspicion. Corruption among those who govern a state like ours, among those who hold the economic strings in their hands, is more likely because of their lack of accountability. When you have neither wealth nor private property, you have little responsibility at stake. The danger comes from a society that may be able to demand accountability. Let us not forget that in every government that comes to power we are all poor, and not everyone has the opportunity to put their signature on things. Today a burden is being raised that is beyond anyone’s capacity. Beware. Dishonesty does not separate itself from oneself, from one’s country, or from the people’s trust. The consequences must be clear. Otherwise, they will distort us in a distorted market. To begin a day with the expectation that one will perform one’s own service is to risk losing the whole day. And a day is a life; this fragile democracy is like a broken machine that we must experience as we deserve, not ruin.
It is true that the first Albanian millionaires are appearing today. In a word: they have money, and they flaunt it outside the banks. They are able to finance the payrolls of enterprises. The managers who hide behind them, richer than they are, must come into the light. Why are they afraid of justice? So, is there corruption in Albania?
DEDE KOLA
PROTEST BY THE MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS OF THE REPUBLIC OF ALBANIA
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Albania is deeply concerned and shocked by reports from Prishtina, according to which, today at 5:00 in the morning, large numbers of armed Serbian police and civilian forces surrounded the village of Lëshan in Kosovo of Peja, intervened violently and used firearms against the unarmed Albanian population, among whom there were victims.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Albania strongly protests to the authorities in Belgrade and calls on them to abandon the use of violence and to withdraw military and police forces from the Republic of Kosovo. The use of violence and the beginning of a massacre, which appears to have been threatened against the Albanian population in Kosovo, is not a way to resolve problems. It can lead only to great bloodshed, something which, we believe, will also greatly harm the Serbs. Such actions could bring about the complete destabilization of our region. They are also a major challenge to those responsible in the CSCE, the EC, the USA and the international community for the peaceful resolution of the crisis in the former Yugoslavia by democratic means—principles which the Albanian people of Kosovo demonstrated, through the free elections of 24 May 1992, that they are determined to uphold.
At the same time, we call on the EC and the USA to do everything in their power to prevent bloodshed and conflict in Kosovo and to protect the unarmed Albanian people from medieval Serbian violence.
(ATSH)
Power is taken a little at a time, every day
The Socialist Party’s alternative is embraced
- These days, 249 new members joined the Socialist Party in the Cakran area’s headquarters. Although the SP won the majority of votes on 22 March in the 11 headquarters of this area, the DP is seeking to take power. -
When the 13-member Steering Committee of the Socialist Party was elected in the Cakran area, comparing them with the local councillors... In fact, that same day the leader of the ruling party came to the village so that the chairman of the people’s council would “hand over the keys.” It is difficult to hand over power without a struggle, by democratic and gradual means. That is what happens when it is done according to the people’s will. Otherwise, it is an act by the citizens. Dictatorships did things differently: they settled accounts by force. Democratic power is not taken or handed over in a single day in favour of one political force or another. It takes time; it is lost little by little, and the opposition gains just as much over time. Regardless of the propaganda presenting 22 March as a dividing line for democracy, we should say that this is a continuous process that knows no boundaries.
In reality, the decision to replace local government in the 11 villages of the Cakran area, where the SP won a majority, is illegal and undemocratic. Even if the DP were to forcibly seize power in the wave of its revanchism, in Cakran it is losing political power more and more.
Why do I say this?
These days, 249 new members have joined the Socialist Party in the villages of this area—nearly twice the number of former members. They are former members of the SP who have joined the Socialist Party. This very resurgence of the SP in Cakran—Vladimir Lamç?, a physical education teacher, as well as other intellectuals and young people—has led them, seeing the difficult situation in the village, to become organized in the SP and not merely as sympathizers. Their decision to join the party was not driven by momentary passions, dizzying propaganda, leaflets or haste. Now everyone finds their place according to their interests.
Quite rightly, in Cakran they are asking the SP Steering Committee in Fier and the Steering Committee at the Centre: why did they realize so late that the party needed reorganizing? Where have they been, while all the fighting and slander went on at the grassroots? They are also making a request of the SP parliamentary group, whose members include other intellectuals and educated people, as well as around 30 people from Tirana. They are asked to be closer to the village, closer to its hardships, if they want to have a strong influence so that the laws and the central government come closer to the people themselves. In this way, the “struggle” also becomes a direct confrontation.
Gradually, the political power of the party that won a majority in the parliamentary elections is being shaken. There are reasons for this. It was done through arrogance; it is destroying everything, to turn even wheat into coal as in Canada?! What happened to the promises of various benefits for residents and large loans for tractors and agricultural machinery? What happened to the talk of motorways or telephones in every home, etc.? The government has given no sign of keeping its promises—.
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CHRONICLE
Preparations for the Congress—a task for everyone
Preparations continue in the district of Kukës for the First Conference of the district Socialist Party. The Steering Committee’s activities, other Party activities, and its sympathizers are also working to prepare the organizations in the field.
Thus, during most of the first ten days of May, initial preparations were made in the villages of Shtrëzë, Krenzë and Kërçenë itself; meetings to elect new representatives were also held in the Party organizations of the general secondary school and the vocational school, in the organizations of the agricultural machinery enterprise, in that of the freight depot, etc. The Socialist Party Steering Committee member, Mr Mago Lakrori, took part in all of these. They analyzed… Also, these days an expanded meeting was organized in Kukës with Socialist Party members and sympathizers, at which comrade Mago Lakrori answered the many questions raised by participants about the Socialist Party’s program, its strategy and tactics, its opposition role, and its relations with left-wing parties abroad. In his speech, after speaking about preparations for the First Congress
Parliament “patches up” the laws
The Kopliku law: police officers with secondary-school education
- PP commissioners are replaced by DP commissioners -
The day before yesterday, at around 20:00, the Speaker of the People’s Assembly, Mr Pjetër Arbnori, read in Parliament a proposal by 35 deputies for a series of amendments to the law on the public-order police. The proposed addition stated that officers should have secondary education and know a foreign language.
The following condition was put forward: this applies to officers of the Ministry of Public Order.
As can be seen, three elements stand out in this proposed addition: 1. Although the Ministry of Public Order has been depoliticized by a separate law, the DP is seeking to politicize it through legal amendments such as this one. 2. The above addition completely ignores professional qualifications in the work of public-order officers. 3. In adapting the policies, no age criterion has been established—as if the Ministry of Public Order were to be turned into a retirement home!
Regarding this amendment, Socialist parliamentary group chairman Namik Dokle asked that the proposal be subjected to all the review procedures. But the DP deputies, led by Mr Arbnori, opposed this, saying the procedure was normal. Despite Deputy Dokle’s objection, the DP deputies raised their green cards to put the proposal to a vote. Democratic deputy Luli said that this amendment should be voted on as soon as possible. “We need people committed to democracy,” Luli said. He then proposed removing the phrase “to know a foreign language” from the amendment above. Deputy Bulmeti, speaking in a voice supporting other professions, said, “I ask…”
Deputy Dokle once again asked for clarification regarding the age of the people proposed to be appointed as officers with secondary-school education, while Deputy Luan Hajdaraga asked to speak about the proposal put forward by the DP deputies. But the Speaker of the Assembly, Mr Arbnori, as he has done on other occasions, violating the deputy’s right to speak, put the proposal to a vote and it was approved by his ruling. The discussion then moved on. At one point it was approved… “To exclude the secondary-school requirement, which would be changed without anyone knowing the age,” in full.
As for the four party proceedings, because they were mentioned, what was said at the beginning was further evidence of the concept—
…
In power, they make up the discussion by Deputy Luan Hajdaraga, which he was not allowed to deliver in the Assembly.
The amendment to the law on public-order officers that we have before us for discussion is further evidence of the concept—
…
In power, they make up the discussion by Deputy Luan Hajdaraga, which he was not allowed to deliver in the Assembly.
There is no doubt that the entire apparatus—… In power, they make up the discussion by Deputy Luan Hajdaraga, which he was not allowed to deliver in the Assembly.
…
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TOMORROW YOU WILL READ:
- The DP’s promises and reality
(Written by LUAN M. RAMA)
CONSULAR CONVENTION BETWEEN ALBANIA AND GREECE INITIALED
TIRANA, 26 May (ATSH). — Yesterday, talks between delegations of the Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Albanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs concluded, and the Consular Convention between the Republic of Albania and the Republic of Greece, as well as the Agreement on the opening of consulates, were initialed. Under the agreement, Albania will open a Consulate General in Janina, whose consular district will include the prefectures of Janina, Igumenica, Arta, Preveza, Kozani and Kastoria, while Greece will open a Consulate General in the city of Gjirokastër, whose district will include the prefectures of Gjirokastër, Sarandë, Tepelenë, Përmet, Kolonjë and Skrapar.