Elections for local government bodies are approaching. The state of these bodies’ activities has become intolerable. As if the serious defects in the law on forming local government bodies by having the government appoint officials according to each political party’s share of the parliamentary vote, and by consensus, were not enough, the appointment of these bodies was exploited through the arrogant actions of the right-wing power-holders. The main political tendency during this two-month post-election period became revenge against the socialists, and unscrupulous efforts to exclude them from local government bodies. We knew this. We had warned the people and the world what would happen if PDSH won the March 22 elections. But many did not believe us. We cannot blame the people, as PDSH did when it lost on March 31, 1991. We did not do enough to convince the majority of the people that our program was just. Perhaps that was all the strength and capacity we had. Nevertheless, the world knew that all Albanian political parties came from the same monist system and had divided among themselves the body of PPSH members; many official and unofficial political circles still considered us socialists closer to PPSH. Deception won out over the truth. RTSH contributed considerably against us. The threat of Albania’s total destruction and civil war, expressed quite clearly in the speeches of the leaders of PDSH, PRSH and PSDSh, and the barbaric actions of members and sympathizers of these forces, compelled the people to “learn” how they should vote. Yet what Koço Danaj, in an interesting article three months ago, called the “real opposition” is demanding a second “March 22” for the local elections. It is this “real opposition,” whose core is made up of extremist reactionaries concealed under a “democratic” cloak within PDSH, that is demanding local elections as soon as possible, preferably before the end of June 1992, before the bitter fruits of the ill-considered liberalization of prices and the right-wing blows being dealt to the people begin to show. The right-wing political headquarters that secured the result of the March 22 elections hopes that the entire structure and mechanisms of violence, manipulation, deception, false promises, psychological conditioning, sowing fear and political servility—constructed skillfully and with Western technical assistance—remain intact and effective. Let us not forget the incomplete voter lists, the mass issuance of voting certificates, more than 200,000 irregular ballot papers, the dubious commissions, the “impartial” observers, the gangs of thugs, etc. PDSH and the other right-wing forces know very well that one of the most cursed consequences of the communist dictatorship is the traumatization of our people’s democratic political culture. Albanians, accustomed to acting as mobilized members of collective structures, where slogans were instilled from outside those structures and came from above, were treated like infants, incapable of identifying through democratic procedures what their personal, collective or social interests were. Only the “father of the nation” thought about what was best for them. Such people think nothing of following gangs. A tired people who entrust their fate to a political party, and who for half a century were subjected to the experiment of building a world completely different from the surrounding world, run the risk of being subjected to further experiments which, as one [unclear] emphasized 20 years ago, could last 20 years. God save us! So then, what is the great deception being prepared to secure the best possible result for PDSH in the forthcoming local elections? Let us not be surprised if we hear some Western radio station, some foreign dignitary at a conference, some minister, some group of intellectuals, or some right-wing trade unionist proclaim as an indisputable truth that, for economic reform to develop successfully and produce positive results as quickly as possible, the political forces that won the parliamentary elections and hold power must also win the local government elections (Continued on page 2).

- FROM THE FIRST CONFERENCE OF THE PS IN THE DISTRICT OF FIER On 7.6.1992, the First Conference of PS Fier successfully held its proceedings at the “Bylis” theatre. The socialists of Fier, at a free and democratic assembly, reviewed their one-year experience and the lessons drawn from it, and also defined the tasks and objectives, both near and distant, of their future work. Addressing the process of bringing together the balanced left after the formation of PSSh, the main paper presented at this conference emphasized its complexity and difficulties, rooted in the natural initial skepticism, people’s lack of pluralist political experience, and the monstrous exploitation of this shortcoming by the frenzied anti-PS coalition. The negative tendency is supported by the prevalence of absurd ideas—for example, that the parties’ programs are all the same—and by the leftist character of the democratic movement, especially its trade-union movement. This caused the working classes in particular to move into an absurd political position, the bitter fruits of which they are now having to swallow. Regarding the issue of relations between PS Fier and the other political forces, the Conference emphasized the naivety and inability of some former opposition parties, which fell into PD’s “anticommunist” game and rendered it a valuable service. Time will testify to the truthfulness and sincerity of PS Fier toward the patriotic political associations “Kosova” and “Camëria,” as well as to the negative effect of the prejudiced attitudes toward PS held by certain individuals in these associations. They must never be allowed to become instruments in the hands of any party. PS supports economic concerns such as those of livestock farmers. Admond Strati from Somali came to [unclear] a separate association of this kind, which all farmers in the villages should take as an example. Unity, in the face of fierce capitalist competition, will ensure our survival. In seeking to realize the contemporary principle of separating the party from the state, PS, unlike PD, went further and separated its leadership from its representatives in government. During the past year, the report said, PS held no formal meetings with the socialist chairmen of the Executive Committees of the communes, whereas PD exploited them completely, primarily in its own service and for its electoral campaign. At present PS Fier does not participate in the structures of local government—(Continued on page 2).

The village of Qukës-Skënderbej is one of the smallest villages in the district of Librazhd. But it has many problems. Disputes over the division of land have increased. For months on end, not a single kind of food can be found in the village shop. They have to go to Librazhd to get chemical fertilizer, at 500 lekë (new) per quintal. Every day, the old sack for bread remains on the villagers’ backs. PD’s promises before the elections melted away like salt in water. That is why people are massively embracing the socialist alternative. In recent days alone, 15 new members, including 2 with higher education, have been admitted to the Socialist Party in this village. There are more applications, and more admissions will take place before the Congress. SEFER KOPACI chairman of the PS grassroots organization Qukës - Skënderbej, Librazhd

The first conference of PSSH in the district of Tirana (Held yesterday in Pezë) — Let our political opponents call the first Congress of PSSH a “Congress of factions.” — They will feel political. “Congress of destruction.” — They will feel that they have been destroyed. Our first Congress will be a Congress of the formation, [unclear] of PSSH, of its complete consolidation. Holding the Congress is also the opening of the campaign for elections to local government bodies. — Let our political opponents call the first Congress of PSSH a “Congress of factions.” — They will feel political. “Congress of destruction.” — They will feel that they have been destroyed. Our first Congress will be a Congress of the formation, [unclear] of PSSH, of its complete consolidation. Holding the Congress is also the opening of the campaign for elections to local government bodies. GRAMOZ RUCI, Deputy Chairman of PSSH — Socialist intellectuals are, and should be, recognized as such: as [unclear], brave democrats connected with the people. Not only the social science lecturers of the Agricultural University, but all of us intellectuals, will always be close to the peasantry, always supporting their democratic and progressive movements. Protection of intellectuals against PD’s slanderous attacks must be increased many times over, and they themselves must also organize. REXHEP ÇUKO; Candidate of Sciences, delegate — Humanitarian aid has also been distributed in the villages around Tirana: does PD distribute aid in its own name?! The truth must be told: that aid is provided by Albania, not by Sali! SHYQYRI PREGAPUCA, delegate — In the countryside, let the Socialist Party challenge the artificial alliances of the right. Let the leaders of PSD keep echoing the right, while the grassroots feel that they are allies of PSSH. They do not merely feel it; they want it and work for it. Let us cooperate with honest, democratic people from the left-wing and reformist parties. Let the alliances begin from the bottom up. Let the local elections make this a reality. LUTFI DAUTLLARI, guest at the conference — The shaft of the Mushqetasë mine where I work has become 300 m deep. Even if they lower me another 3,000 m, I will defend my convictions about democratic socialism. SKËNDER NASUFI, delegate — The contemporary European cooperative model promoted by this organization has become a steadily growing movement. In the district of Tirana, several cooperative communities based on this model have been established, and several dozen across the country. This cooperative model is based on preserving ownership of the land and its products; [unclear] full, social justice, solidarity, etc., which are consistent with the Socialist Party’s alternative. Therefore, cooperation between B.K.A.SH and PS is essential.

On June 5 and 6, first the skiving department and then the entire workforce of the leather and footwear factory in Gjirokastër went on strike. It was led by the free trade union. Here is its scenario: the 4th is payday there. But the workers were told that the 8 percent allowance the management gave to those who went to work and were troubled by the 80-percent “at home” [unclear] would not be paid to them, but would be deposited in the savings bank, with the right to withdraw it after July 1. The workers did not agree. Six people set out to meet the chairman of the district executive committee, but he did not receive them, and the workers were informed that they would get an answer at the factory the following day. The next day, the heads of the industry and finance sections went to the departments and told the workers that they could receive the supplements. Regarding the protest itself, they insisted that all the factory workers should receive them. The protest became widespread. At noon, the chairman of the executive committee, Sali Hroni, went to the factory and told the workers that the wage supplements could not be paid. (Continued on page 2)

The concern of all citizens about the sadness that has engulfed the environments of our cities is neither new nor unfamiliar. From time to time, notices have appeared in the press, and demands have even been made insistently that something must be done, at least enough to prevent a possible problem. But in vain. The answers about the rubbish are «clarified» every day; government officials at every level only defend their indifference (as though there ought to be some «understanding» on their part, involving some study to draw conclusions about the extent to which people are not bothered by the filth, to complete ...). Local officials know that there is ... being done to improve the environment, and that there is also information from specialists, who are ... and more specialized, dealing with these matters. And if some of the government officials ... Have they dealt with ... instead of ... and something else? All ... (Continued on page 2)

— Who will be next? — Durrës has had certain features of its own. Over the years it has experienced both troubles and decline, development and stagnation. Until the 1940s, as a result of the strengthening of economic and trade ties with Italian port cities, as well as Greek and Yugoslav ones, and of the movement of people, it began to take shape on a small scale as a cosmopolitan city too. Clear evidence of this is the flourishing of foreign cultures, adapted mainly through the establishment of several Italian, Greek and American schools; urban construction; the opening of several consulates; and the construction of factories, workshops and farms, mostly with Italian capital. This is why, during these years, alongside a generation of educated, progressive and democratic intellectuals, a new class of local merchants, bourgeois and small industrialists also grew and developed in Durrës. But the overwhelming majority of the city’s and its surrounding area’s population consisted of workers, dockworkers, porters, apprentices, artisans and the unemployed, who remained poor. On the other hand, these local and foreign merchants and bourgeois visibly contributed to the city’s growth, since they built villas, houses, shops and workshops, while the poor majority formed traditional neighborhoods. The postwar reforms brought about opposing political and social positions, accompanied by economic and property upheavals. Nationalizations, expropriations and confiscations were carried out justly against the properties of former collaborators and speculators, but in some cases unjustified actions were also taken. The overwhelming majority of nationalized and expropriated buildings were put to public use as homes, workplaces, schools and nurseries. In Durrës alone, there are dozens of families living in buildings that were nationalized and expropriated and belonged to former owners—more than in some other cities. The question now is: what will happen to them? Will the reality of these 50 years be recognized, or will there be another upheaval, with property returned to its former owners? In fact, the programs of the PD and other right-wing parties have called for this reality not to be recognized, that is, for property in the city and countryside to be returned to its owners or for them to be compensated. This is why, especially after March 22, the former owners have begun an offensive to seize their properties. There are many examples of this, everywhere, including in Durrës, but let me focus on a few recent cases that have attracted attention and stirred tension and indignation. The buildings of three nurseries have been targeted by former owners. In one of them, the former owner went inside and took over the entire first floor, and, as a temporary act of «humanity», moved the children down to the ground floor. At another nursery, the children were being made to sleep outside every day, as the former owner waved before their eyes the carefully preserved title deed, and even a court decision, leaving the nursery employees with no choice but to wait until the children had left and then leave themselves. Likewise, at the third nursery, the owner entered the building and the children were put out, with the justification that the law had given him the right to do so. Despite the protests of the employees of these nurseries and the children’s parents, the local authorities have so far taken no action at all to resolve this social concern. In addition to the problems caused by the nurseries’ minimal facilities for raising children, they now face the further problem of their possible closure. It seems that in these days after March 22, the former owners have begun their offensive ... (Continued on page 2)

REASONING ABOUT THE DELAY IN THE SHKODËR TRIAL To get into the subject, a little history: when the Shkodër trial is mentioned, one recalls the tragic events of April 2 last year and the rightful demands to uncover and bring the perpetrators of the crime to justice. One also remembers the pressure on the investigative authorities, and the parliamentary rostrum that was transformed into an interrogation room, where, through the dispatch of various commissions and the summoning of justice officials to interpellations, factual and professional guidance and explanations were given, even down to details of a secret nature. We remember the crowds and the slogans «do the investigation», «identify the killers», at times even turning into ultimatums and orders directed at the investigators. These actions, to some extent, negatively affected the investigative and fact-finding work of the authorities. Immediately afterwards, one recalls the trial of the three defendants, former heads of the Shkodër Internal Affairs Department, accused of acting contrary to the proper performance of their duties; the flagrant and brutal pressure on the court, the defendants and the witnesses. One recalls the court’s inability to take control of the case and maintain order in the courtroom, as well as the indifference of the law-enforcement bodies in ensuring normal working conditions for the court. After the trial hearings, the newspaper «Bashkimi» published an interview with the military judge who presided over the panel, in which he informed public opinion of the difficult conditions in which the trial had taken place. But no one understood why the case was sent back to the investigative authorities. No one learned what new facts had been established during the reinvestigation. No one knows why the trial of this case was dragged out for so long. The court later requested that this case be tried in another district! But why? To avoid trouble, to escape further reactions? Thus began the Odyssey of this case: «send…», «return…», «send back», seemingly trying to keep it stuck in a kind of sporting arena, passing it from one to another, until finally the case was withdrawn and retained by the Supreme Court. After all this, no one knows what is happening with it. In connection with this, the court administers justice. Everyone knows this truth, this constitutional principle; but why does it not perform this duty, and why is the independence of the court in administering justice not respected by others? Rumors and slander

People, tired from life’s troubles, have begun to occupy themselves with rumors. For example, a few days ago I heard that: “The immediate increase in prices is expected to be 3–4 times. Meanwhile, the average retail price index in the first and second months (after the start of price liberalization) is expected to rise by approximately 50 percent and 70 percent. — The wage index for the third quarter is expected to fall by 30 percent compared with the first quarter of 1991, while in the fourth quarter it is expected to fall by a further 12 percent or so. After the confusion these figures cause, one is reminded of the special programs TV prepares with ministers of the democratic government. Everyone talks about reform, using a rich and equally exotic vocabulary. Not a single concrete word; everything is hermetic. Where have those serenades about transparency gone? How will the people be prepared for the pain of reform? The windows of the government dome are not as transparent as they are made out to be. But perhaps inside the dome they also recall Remaruk’s words: “Abstract prices strike fear into you; they must be brought closer to the goods to dispel fear.” So, wait a little longer, people! The bells will ring again. ALBAN BUENA