As early as December 1990, during the political and social revolution, the student youth were the first to begin the transformation and complete overthrow of the communist system in Albania. The youth engaged in vigorous activity and criticism, but without turning it into a partisan movement or a destructive course. The program the students aspired to was a struggle along the democratic path. However, both their movement and its leadership soon passed into other hands, and the ideals became hopelessly confused. The youth were bypassed, as though they had completed their task. Other forces came to the fore, and instead of prudent and agile political developments, the country took the easier path of extremist confrontations and even calls for settling scores. Anarchy, disarray and destruction prevailed in the country, bringing about a confused situation that was equally conducive to various elements imposing their desires to steal and destroy without regard for anyone. The reflection of this situation among different social strata provoked reactions of the most varied kinds, but above all, disillusionment with the broad «democracy» that was pushing the country toward ruin and division began to become clearly apparent. The more events unfolded, the stronger their tendency toward silence, indifference and, in some cases, even contempt became. The harsh politics of extremism also contributed to this, institutionalizing insults and sensationalism on the political stage instead of reason and argument. In this way, the people’s traditions and faith in their own values were attacked, going so far as to strike at major historical events such as the National Liberation War. In this way, the lack of logic compromised the validity of criticism. Disagreeing with such positions, not only the older generation and numerous intellectuals, but also a growing number of students began to withdraw from political life and shut themselves away. It was clear to them that the rules of the democratic game had been arbitrarily violated in favor of a harsh confrontation they had not sought. It was clear to them that the DP had long been driving away from itself some of the forces of spiritual liberation that mark our emancipation, while proclaiming itself. The Eurosocialists found the courage to return and defend their own views. They joined forces to affirm the socialist alternative, defying fear and uncertainty, because they knew how to look beyond the days of the current political struggle. Today, when people have come down from grand electoral promises to the ground of disillusionment, witnessing the distortions being inflicted on democracy and the violations of human rights, WE are aware that our mission is not only unfinished, but takes on a particular meaning in a reality that continues «day» after day. Our mission will not be fulfilled merely by looking outside the «walls» of the SP. We entered political life with an inalienable message, made evident as in no other youth forum. But the components here also defined the distinctiveness of our activity, because opposite us stood the ferocity of our political opponents, while on the other side was the subservience of some former communist conservatives. Our mission is clear. We did not come to preserve, nor to take the seats of power or party offices, «as someone supposed», because the very circumstances in which we arrived made such aims contemptible. The sincerity of the rank-and-file members of the SP and the loyalty of the intellectuals who have never been absent from it led us to appreciate the place we should take alongside them. Through the quality of our communication and criticism, we broke through the grand «misunderstandings» to offer a reserve last night. Closer to the youth, closer to the future. In support of our alternative, we are proud that the FRFSH has its own dignified signature on it. On 15 January 1992, around 2,400 young people from various districts brought the Eurosocialist message from the Palace of Congresses to every corner of Albania. This message was not a «proclamation». It heralded the entry into socialist politics of a new potential, which would emerge in due course through parliamentary candidates, competing with dignity in some of the most difficult constituencies in the 22 March elections. The Forum will contribute its own new political thinking— logic compromised the integrity of criticism. Disagreeing with such positions, not only the previous generation and the many intellectuals, but also a growing number of students pursuing careers began to distance themselves from political life and withdraw into themselves. democratic game had been arbitrarily violated in favour of a harsh confrontation that they themselves PD had long been moving away from its own political character as a representative of democracy in Albania. In this situation, the need arose to create the Eurosocialist Forum. By openly declaring our support for this alternative, we agreed to sacrifice in the name

— Speech by deputy Namik Dokle — Among the laws approved in the previous legislature, one of the most important was undoubtedly the law on the exoneration, amnesty and rehabilitation of former convicts and politically persecuted persons. This is because, in cases of social changes such as those taking place in Albania, the complex issue of guilt suddenly comes into sharp focus. Much will depend on the attitude adopted toward it. In this case, the country has two paths before it. The first is for everyone to assume the guilt of the era and everything associated with it, and to call each person to account one by one—which would bring anarchy instead of reason and democracy. The bloodshed and blood debts in Kosovo, despite its archaic appearance, contained within themselves a very modern and humane message. I believe that we, the deputies of the Albanian democratic parliament, have also understood this message correctly. In this general context, the amendment to be made to the law has value on three levels: The first level. It concerns the past. With this law we will fully distance ourselves from the mistakes of the past in a field that is extremely sensitive for the people. It is a moral and political duty left unresolved by the past: restoring the dignity and rights of all those who were convicted because of political, ideological or cultural views that did not conform to the official line of the time. The second level. It concerns the present. This law will serve the national reconciliation, justice and social calm that the country and its people need. It must not be politicized so that extreme class warfare is replaced by other extremes; quite the contrary. The third level. It concerns the future. By completing this law, we reaffirm once again that we are determined to proceed with the democratic process of the CSCE and to affirm that every individual, without distinction, has the right to freedom of thought, conscience, religion and belief. — the right to freedom of expression, association, etc.—rights which must never, for any reason or by any extremist and revanchist political force, be threatened, either today or tomorrow. While urging the deputies to approve this bill, on behalf of the Socialist parliamentary group I make a serious criticism of the government of Mr. Meksi, which has not submitted this bill for approval for more than seven months, just as it has also unjustifiably delayed the bills on the status of persons with disabilities and veterans of the Anti-Fascist National Liberation War. The government is not at all troubled by the fact that the law is being considered against the backdrop of a hunger strike; indeed, if no one were to call this an «anti-constitutional and anti-national» act (as so often happens), I would propose a motion of no confidence in the relevant ministers. Of course, the government may have its own justifications and will seek explanations, particularly on three issues: 1. The legal and constitutional basis of the bill. 2. The material and economic issues and other consequences of this law, the financial cost and the ways of meeting it during the law’s implementation. 3. The issues raised by the right to request retrial of individual cases, especially those convicted who will seek the reasons, and how the judicial authorities will proceed with these cases. It is not right to exclude from the benefits of this law those who opposed the dictatorship in sensitive areas such as art, culture, economic liberalization, etc., even if they were func- (Continued on page 4)

- After a week of «fuming», the treasure was not found. - The accused do not request witnesses, but accept the witnesses called by the prosecution. - The press is given the opportunity to publish. Yesterday, at the trial of the defendants Nexhmije Hoxha and Kino Buxheli, the last witnesses were questioned: Kujtim Sfeshi, former head of the planning department at the Reception Directorate, and Shane Korbeci, former Minister of Foreign Trade. After answering questions from the judicial panel and the prosecutor at the hearing, the latter explained that he had first been notified at 6:00 p.m. the previous evening to appear as a witness, expressing surprise at the notice stating that he would be brought in by force, as well as at being notified with police accompanying the summons. After this, both sides—the prosecutor, the defense lawyers and the defendants—agreed that the questioning of the witnesses should conclude; all of them had been called by the prosecution. The witnesses, confirming that everything had been proper, impartial and reasoned, served the truth without any need for witnesses on behalf of the accused. The conclusions of the State Audit experts were then heard. The defense lawyer for defendant Kino Buxheli, as well as Buxheli himself, claimed that the experts had been drawn from the very institution that had brought the accusation, and that their data and conclusions should therefore be treated with reservation. The prosecutor opposed this request, arguing that they were simply specialists and that the court would take into account whatever it considered appropriate. The judicial panel did not grant the request of the defense lawyer and defendant Kino Buxheli, and on behalf of the group, Viron Prodani (Continued on page 4)

For several days, around 50 people, compensation but also despair—

A few days ago, around 50 people, former political prisoners, began a hunger strike in a building that formerly housed the district pedagogical cabinet. According to reports, their main demand is the payment of compensation and damages for the years they suffered, and so on. Most of those confined there are from villages in the Shkodër district, but some are from the city as well. So far, the official news media have not reported anything, thus following the new tradition taking shape in the field of censored information. «Correspondent of “Voice of the People”» (Continued on page 4)

A letter from an emigrant I am one of those refugees who returned to Athens for the first time in two years to test the new year. I returned too, but I could not believe my eyes at the destruction I saw, the misery, the manipulations and many other things. I am 34 years old, and at what should be the best age of my life I also experienced prison under the dictatorship. When we set off for Europe by way of the ship exodus, we thought everything would be put right, that the Democratic Party would soon bring the country out of isolation and economic misery. That is what the DP’s program told us at the beginning. But for me, returning after two years, remembering the fine words the DP spoke at first and seeing life today with my own eyes, everything now seems like lies and deception. Who is deceiving us, who is destroying things? It is not difficult for me to answer. I knew people from Italy and other places I have been: these acts of destruction, and—please excuse the foreign words—«Who is going to pay for all the destruction you yourselves are causing? Don’t you think Europe will help you repair the destruction you are causing yourselves?» Someone in Poland said this to me. When President Bush came to Albania, my friends in Poland, when he came to our country, were astonished; they would come and ask me, «Who is this?» When one of my friends asked me, «Who is this?» I said I didn’t know, and they spoke badly of him. The destruction here has made us… [?] … with all their effort, sweat and sacrifice, they had built their miracle. Those people who follow events in Albania, when Mr. Berisha could not speak about religion, told us: «Your president talks a lot and respects religion, but we do not understand how he can allow the desecration of the dead, which is contrary to the morals of every religion.» We do not know what to say. I would not have taken the trouble to write these lines to “Voice of the People,” but this situation in my homeland compelled me; I am compelled by the fact that Albania is not seen only from within, but also from outside, through the eyes of foreigners or emigrants. Foreigners openly express their disapproving opinions to us, while we emigrants are full of disappointment. And for me this disappointment begins with the very first steps. What are they? I wanted to tell them, I wanted the reader to judge me, I wanted to get them off my chest and not keep them inside. As soon as I set foot on Italian soil, my pregnant wife was expecting our baby, who was a few months away. It was a boy. We buried him in foreign soil. Now I have a five-month-old daughter. When I went to report it— an emigrant in Bari, Italy (Continued on page 3)