— The burden is felt by the one left in the wheelchair, not by those who exploit others. The government’s latest measures for the indiscriminate liberalization of the prices of some essential goods have been received with concern by everyone, with the exception of its obedient spokespeople. We are in the middle of winter, at the height of a so-called administrative reform that has been reduced to nothing more than removing people from their jobs for party-political reasons. Around 300,000 people have been left without work, and in many cases so has the whole family. There are thousands upon thousands of pensioners who cannot even afford to buy a coffee. There are also scientists and lecturers, engineers and civil servants, teachers and many others whose wages remain at assistance levels. All these people had pinned their hopes on the reform. They accepted sacrifices and gave it time, but only so long as they saw the government taking carefully considered steps, acting transparently and sincerely, and not unloading every burden onto the people. Governing does not mean: Do whatever you want. Live however you want! Is that the reform? «Today the word reform saves the innocent, saves the rogue, saves the office-bound official: “You are against my opinion—you are against reform!”» This is today’s logic of the party-state. And propaganda is put in the service of the officials, too: psychological pressure on everyone who thinks differently. An unrestrained frenzy of insults and slander is directed at the newspapers of «Zëri i Popullit» and other left-wing newspapers. This frenzy starts with ATSH and RTVSH and ends with RD and its offspring, sparing no one. No person, party or public figure. It cares neither for the law nor for moral and ethical standards. «Destructive»—«State security agents»—«Marxist-Leninists» are now even used in official communiqués of the presidency. But on the other hand, there are the people. They do their sums with their own pockets, not with the pockets of ...

On January 20, «Zëri i Popullit» published a mother’s accusatory article, entitled «Who Kills the Children», about a six-week-old fetus in its mother’s womb, addressed to Mr. President. It was an open letter from Fatbardha Dega, addressed personally to the president, the Albanian justice system, the government and democratic public opinion. In the name of humanism, we ask: — What unprecedented thing else must happen before you show your humanism, Mr. President? — Why is justice silent when the murderer is within its own ranks? — Where is the Albanian Helsinki Committee when it does not rise up to defend an innocent baby?

. We do not want to comment on, or say how we received and understood, the statement of the Democratic Party of Albania, broadcast on radio and television and also published in RD on January 10. We want to debate one of the ideas published there: moral decay. The Democratic Party complains about the moral decay left by the dictatorship, but what is everyone doing and striving for today—and, first and foremost, what is it doing—to bring about the moral renewal of society? The claims are entirely legitimate. Your own ..., such as the victory of March 22, and ...; it was not ... things as expected and understood, and ...; it fell very quickly. The local elections of July 26 said and showed as much, but one can also see and feel it in the life of the people. The taste of ... is slowly returning to Albanian life. lost, the Albanian person gradually breaks free from past traumas, only to be confronted with a new trauma: the insecurity of making a living. Those who embellish today’s life and reality are, in fact, embellishing the regime, because the burden of life is growing heavier for most sections of the population. The political climate also remains tense. As the main party and the party in government, the PD does not seem to be playing the role it ought to play. When you ask many people what they think of how things are going, they say things like this. They find no enthusiasm within themselves or around them! It is our duty to make people’s lives easier and better, not to ask them for blind political approval and support. One cannot claim to bring about a turning point and a moral revival when (Continued on page 2)

— The prosecutor presents his closing argument. He seeks sentences of 14 years and 9 years’ imprisonment, respectively, for the defendants Nexhmije Hoxha and Kino Buxheli — Yesterday at 9 o’clock, after an interruption of several days, the trial of the defendants Nexhmije Hoxha and Kino Buxheli resumed. At the beginning of the hearing, the prosecutor in the case, Teodor Mosko, made a statement concerning a report by the AFP correspondent in Tirana, rebroadcast by RTSH, about the alleged purchase by the Hoxha family of thousands of dollars’ worth of condoms and medicines for impotence in France. «I declare,» prosecutor Mosko said, «that such information and the reference attributed to me are not real or true. I add that so far I have not given any interview or statement about the trial to foreign or domestic newspapers.» The representative of the group of experts then took the floor and presented an addendum to the expert report at the hearing, as requested by the trial panel at the previous session. Concerning this addendum, the defendant Nexhmije Hoxha said that she had not been questioned about it in the answers to the questions. «The items,» she said, «were given to me free of charge on the basis of the special treatment of the Hoxha family and the fact that they were members of the Central Committee of the PPSH.» Attorney Dhimitër Beshiri said that they had no objection to the figure presented, but that the documents submitted were incomplete and those that had been presented were inaccurate. Attorney Përparim Sanxhaku asked for a quarter-hour recess to consider the requests in light of the figures in the addendum. The presiding judge, Muharrem Kushi, announced that a few days earlier Enver Miloti, former secretary of the Albanian embassy in France, had been questioned by the Prosecutor’s Office as a witness. At the prosecutor’s request, the trial panel decided that Enver Miloti should appear in court as a witness. This witness testified that in 1987, when he was embassy secretary in Paris, Sulo Gradeci had left him some gifts, with instructions to keep them for use when Nexhmije Hoxha came again for medical treatment. «These gifts, which I kept at home to hand over at an appropriate time,» he said, «were seven items as follows: three lulla, three watermelons from Zadrima, a copper tray, a decorative wooden cask, two woolen runners measuring 60 by 40 cm, two woolen bags measuring 30 by 34 cm, and a painting depicting a girl.» Concerning this testimony, the defendant Nexhmije Hoxha said that it was in her favor, because it showed that she did not spend money indiscriminately. Prosecutor Teodor Mosko initiated criminal proceedings against Enver Miloti on the charge of false testimony under Article 202 of the Criminal Code, since he had not stated during the investigation what he stated at the court hearing. (Continued on page 4)

Where haven’t the so-called persecuted turned up in the «era of Democracy»? Where can’t you find them? In every link of power, from the grassroots to the center. In every department. In every position. Civilians and military alike. And they make the rules. Many of them may perhaps deserve it. But many others—who knows how they have made their way into all these links and levels? How can C.T. call himself «persecuted» on television when he was sentenced to prison because he was caught red-handed trying to put poison in the city’s water reservoir? Wouldn’t he have poisoned his own children too, since water pipes cannot tell the difference? Oh, how many such «persecuted» people are giving «lectures» today! But I would not have written these lines if I had not happened to meet Tafil Sina as he was leaving the MRP. I knew him from Berat. «Tafil,» I said, «how are you?» «Fine,» he replied. «I’ve started work as a management officer in the Economic Directorate here at the Ministry.» He was happy and smiling. About 40 years old. My «joy» froze on my lips. I did not say anything to him, but remembered that he had served his sentence not under Article 55/1, but ... as a thief, where he worked at an enterprise. A month or two later, I met him again in the square in front of the Ministry of Public Order. He was upset. They had dismissed him as an officer. He was cursing and fuming against Democracy. «This isn’t the Democracy we asked for,» he said. And I had the courage to tell him: Democracy opened the «green light» to honest people. Along with Tafil (Tërfil), weeds have sprouted too.

— Petition of the Kuçovë District Council — Addressed to: The Chairman of the Council of Ministers, Mr. Aleksandër Meksi; the Minister of Education, Mr. Ylli Vejsiu; the newspapers «Zëri i Popullit», «Koha Jonë», «Rilindja Demokratike» On the basis of Decision No. 385, dated 3.9.92, «On appointments and procedures for the transfer and appointment of managers in the education sector», the Presidium of the District Council, in cooperation with the communes and the Municipality, after a detailed and thorough review, made the necessary transfers and appointments of educational staff on 12.9.92. As a result, teaching began normally and without problems on the part of teachers. Taking advantage of this incapacity and for party-political purposes, and in violation of Ministry instruction No. 17, dated 2.11.92, on the establishment and functioning of the Education Directorate—which states explicitly that «Transfers of staff from one commune to another or to the Municipality, and vice versa, within a district, are made one month before the start of the school year, except in special, extremely necessary and compulsory cases. Transfers and appointments are made with the approval of the head of the relevant commune or Municipality...»—dozens of unjustified and inappropriate transfers have been made, without respecting what is stated above. These transfers made by this directorate, like many other transfers in other areas of production, have been concocted in the kitchen of the Democratic Party, solely because the people subjected to them are members and supporters of the Socialist Party. These transfers also conflict with the requirements of Article 24 of Law No. 7526, dated 3.12.92, «On Trade Unions», since among those transferred are people who serve as trade union chairpersons. In these transfers, ... (Continued on page 2) communes and the Municipality, following a detailed and thorough study, 12.9.92, and consequently the teaching process began normally, with no problems on the part of the teachers. By Decision No. 418 dated 23.9.93, “On the establishment and operation of the District Directorate of Education,” as well as on the titles and procedures for transfers and appointments of educational staff, the Directorate of Education was established. Taking into account the proposals made by the Presidium of the District Council—which were the most outstanding candidates in the district and enjoyed respect and a good reputation among teachers—by letter No. 4429-7 dated 1.12.92, Mr. Luljeta Mimani was appointed director of the Directorate of Education. In our opinion, she is incompetent and, as such, has created an incompetent team in the directorate. (Continued on page 2)

— Do we not know how, or do we not want, to carry out this recovery? In the third chapter of his work «Albania: What It Was, What It Is, and What It Will Be», SAMI FRASHERI wrote: «The salvation or ruin of Albania is in the hands of the Albanians: if they wish, they will save it; if they desire otherwise, they will ruin it.» Not without reason, as we shall see below, the issue is raised from the very beginning in this masterpiece of the pantheon of this great Albanian’s thought. Today, a hundred years later, we are compelled and dare to ask ourselves... «Albania is groaning! We are in ...; who else in the world has been ... for more than five years? We see despair among ..., whether free. More than 100 years ago, we also suffered physically, as the interests of the great powers dictated, without our own interests ever being taken into account. Upon our body, as upon no other, the fierce duel between justice and force was waged, from its beginning to its end. And yet hope and fate covered it, and this, in ... that we ourselves support. And we were not ...; the division into six parts, ... [part of the text is illegible] ... Kosovo has legitimized it long ago. Among other things, we still do not know exactly how many Albanians there are or where we are scattered around the world! Sometimes it is written that we are six million, sometimes nine million and sometimes twelve million, but how many are we really? In a few words, this is the reality of Albanians today. Faced with this Albanian reality, a political organization ... of the people, in all parts, such as has never been seen before. It is undoubtedly quite widespread. The mass expansion of this organization has the Albanian National Question as its sacred purpose. But we must dare to acknowledge that the mass expansion ... [illegible] ... Let us look more concretely at the political position of our Albania. Up to now, the Albanian people have organized themselves into more than 20 parties. They may seem very few, given that the parties exist whether we like it or not. They are an expression of the people’s spiritual gathering. The fact is, however, that this organization lacks clarity. I emphasize this as the basis for a political argument: the undeniable fact is that the political parties are still unable to reach agreement! Below I will try to point out, in my opinion, some of the harmful consequences for the present and the future resulting from this discord. Time is bringing historically favorable opportunities our way, but we are not taking advantage of them precisely because we cannot agree. I think that what fuels this discord is the prejudice the parties hold against one another. Through their policies to date, whether intentionally or not, they are putting one another in debt over the past, as heirs to this or that former political force and as those responsible for this or that harm inflicted on the people and on our nation as a whole. In this way, political tension, destabilization and the struggle for power are being fueled. We know all too well how bitter these have been during this two-year period. We also know all too well that they have cost us dearly, whether we like to admit it or not! I would point out that one of the main reasons why clarity is also lacking in our organization ... …this may be of little importance; parties exist, willingly or unwillingly. They are an expression of the people’s spiritual cohesion. The fact is, however, that this period of organization lacks sincerity. I emphasized that the basis for a policy is the indisputable fact that political parties are still unable to reach an understanding! some of the harmful consequences of this disagreement for the present and the future. come to an understanding. I believe that what fuels this disagreement is the mutual prejudice between the parties. Through their policies to date, willingly or unwillingly, they are holding one another accountable for force and as political tension, destabilization, and the struggle for power are encouraged. We know very well how fierce very well that they have cost us dearly, all of us, regardless of whether we like the main reasons sincerity is lacking in our organization…

– Who has an interest in distorting history? – Does someone who was made an invalid by the gun of an occupier’s collaborator enjoy this status? (READ ON PAGE 3:) Even the discussion of the draft law on the status of veterans of the National Liberation War could not escape politicization and diametrically opposed positions. For some time, the submission and approval of this law in Parliament had been delayed. In a note two days ago, our newspaper expressed the suspicion that the PD parliamentary group was postponing discussion of the law because of strong opposition from the demoballist lobby within it. Fortunately, this was fully confirmed during Wednesday morning’s session. With a majority of votes, the PD group changed the wording of the law, naming it “the status of invalids of the war against the Nazi-fascist occupiers.” This wording, proposed by Rushen Golemi, was opposed by the Socialist Party group and the social-democratic faction. According to Maqo Lakrori, our war was waged against foreign occupiers and their collaborators within the country. Therefore, the Socialist group insisted that the words “and their collaborators” be added after “foreign occupiers.” It may seem unbelievable, unless you hear it with your own ears, that anyone could deny that the foreign occupiers in Albania were aided by Albanian collaborators inside Albania. Everyone knows this except Golemi, Papa, Alimëhilli, Hadjari, Bregu, Baleta, Shamata, N. Çela, etc., who tried with their sophistry to conceal this well-known truth. According to Shamata, the term “enemy collaborator” is a convention, and as such it was used for anyone who was not with the Communist Party and its derivatives. All right, Mr. Shamata, but were those who carried out the massacre of February 4, 1944, not Albanians? What is this zeal to deny history, gentlemen? Where are you trying to get to? What interest do you have? You may wish that the foreign enemy had no collaborators; we wish that too, but the fact is that it did. Not only did such people exist, but they also committed heinous crimes. How many lives did they cut short in the flower of youth, how many people did they cripple for life! The word “occupier” includes everything, says M. Poma. But does someone who was made an invalid by the gun of a person who fought alongside the occupiers earn the status? (Continued on page 3)

We are renting out the building of the gro-baqepësi near the Kombinat, measuring 8 m x 5 m, with bathrooms and a storage room. Address: “Ali Kelmendi” Street, Neighborhood 6, Kombinat, Tirana, Albania.